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crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje

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Crimes <strong>committed</strong> <strong>by</strong> <strong>totalitarian</strong> <strong>regimes</strong><br />

Carlos Closa *<br />

Transitional justice in Spain<br />

1. Historical background<br />

Between 1936 and 1939, after a military rebellion, Spain suffered a bloody civil war in which two<br />

bands fought viciously each other. The Fascist forces led <strong>by</strong> General Franco won the war and this gave<br />

way to a dictatorship which lasted 40 years and whose specific contours have been disputed to the point<br />

that some distinguished scholars (Juan J. Linz) have coined the concept of authoritarianism for referring<br />

to it. The features of the regime such the lack of political liberties and rights; the mass repression and an<br />

unofficial “soft” ideology /National Catholicism/ set it apart from the <strong>totalitarian</strong> model, even though the<br />

historical evolution of the regime was progressive evolution from a quasi <strong>totalitarian</strong> to an authoritarian<br />

and, at the end, dictatorship. Differently to other European countries, there were no occupying powers<br />

which could lead a de-nazification process or elimination of authoritarianism. On the contrary, the USA<br />

sponsored in 1955 the Spanish accession to the UN as part of a deal with the USSR, whilst European<br />

democracies kept very critical with the regime (for instance, they rejected Spain as an EEC associated<br />

state already in 1964 on the grounds of lack of democracy and disrespect for human rights). Only the<br />

death of Franco in 1975 allowed for a successful transition to democracy.<br />

2. Spanish model of transitional justice<br />

The pressing objective of the Spanish transition was to achieve a peaceful conversion of the Franco<br />

regime into a democratic system. Peace and democrati<strong>za</strong>tion overcame any other consideration among<br />

these, justice and transitional justice. Most actors excluded a radical rupture with the former regime<br />

favouring instead its evolution. For this, transition required the incorporation of formerly excluded and/<br />

or repressed and/or exiled collectives. Thus, the first measure adopted, a general amnesty law in 1977,<br />

had the objective of inclusion and making a new start rather than restoring memory, asserting the dignity<br />

of victims or any of the traditional goals of transitional justice. In fact, critics of the Spanish process use<br />

the word amnesia linked to the word amnesty. Truly speaking, it was not a policy of “forgetting” but,<br />

rather, a policy of not explicit (and public) remembering. The fear to any involution, easily made felt <strong>by</strong><br />

a vigilant military which had not renounced to its former political role within the authoritarian regime,<br />

together with the fear to the return of a division of the country along the civil war cleavage, acted as<br />

powerful deterrents for any significant attempt of transitional justice. Differently to later processes,<br />

there was no a true and/or reconciliation commission. There were no trials for any <strong>crimes</strong> <strong>committed</strong><br />

<strong>by</strong> the authorities of the dictatorship. Nor there was a process of depuration and many of Franco’s<br />

military and administrative allies and supporters retained their post and some remained in positions of<br />

power. In this way, the burden of reconciliation was unevenly distributed: in front of the guarantees for<br />

the persons affected to the Franco regime, its victims did not obtain any justice or even recognition.<br />

Reconciliation was basically understood as a joint negotiation of the present.<br />

The few efforts in the direction of justice and recognition came about in a piece mail, not integrated<br />

approach and often in a non public or even semi clandestine form. They never occupied the centre of<br />

the political stage. Measures referred, on the one hand, to the recognition of material entitlements for<br />

deprived categories of persons because of their relation with the Republican side and, on the other hand,<br />

to symbolic measures. As for the first, actuations had had a sense of equalising or equiparing situations<br />

for enjoying certain social entitlements which were already available for those identified with the<br />

Franco side during the Civil War and Spaniards in general. Only those identified with the Republic were<br />

* Carlos Closa, CCHS, CSIC (Spain).<br />

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