crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje
crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje
crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje
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Crimes <strong>committed</strong> <strong>by</strong> <strong>totalitarian</strong> <strong>regimes</strong><br />
Carlos Closa *<br />
Transitional justice in Spain<br />
1. Historical background<br />
Between 1936 and 1939, after a military rebellion, Spain suffered a bloody civil war in which two<br />
bands fought viciously each other. The Fascist forces led <strong>by</strong> General Franco won the war and this gave<br />
way to a dictatorship which lasted 40 years and whose specific contours have been disputed to the point<br />
that some distinguished scholars (Juan J. Linz) have coined the concept of authoritarianism for referring<br />
to it. The features of the regime such the lack of political liberties and rights; the mass repression and an<br />
unofficial “soft” ideology /National Catholicism/ set it apart from the <strong>totalitarian</strong> model, even though the<br />
historical evolution of the regime was progressive evolution from a quasi <strong>totalitarian</strong> to an authoritarian<br />
and, at the end, dictatorship. Differently to other European countries, there were no occupying powers<br />
which could lead a de-nazification process or elimination of authoritarianism. On the contrary, the USA<br />
sponsored in 1955 the Spanish accession to the UN as part of a deal with the USSR, whilst European<br />
democracies kept very critical with the regime (for instance, they rejected Spain as an EEC associated<br />
state already in 1964 on the grounds of lack of democracy and disrespect for human rights). Only the<br />
death of Franco in 1975 allowed for a successful transition to democracy.<br />
2. Spanish model of transitional justice<br />
The pressing objective of the Spanish transition was to achieve a peaceful conversion of the Franco<br />
regime into a democratic system. Peace and democrati<strong>za</strong>tion overcame any other consideration among<br />
these, justice and transitional justice. Most actors excluded a radical rupture with the former regime<br />
favouring instead its evolution. For this, transition required the incorporation of formerly excluded and/<br />
or repressed and/or exiled collectives. Thus, the first measure adopted, a general amnesty law in 1977,<br />
had the objective of inclusion and making a new start rather than restoring memory, asserting the dignity<br />
of victims or any of the traditional goals of transitional justice. In fact, critics of the Spanish process use<br />
the word amnesia linked to the word amnesty. Truly speaking, it was not a policy of “forgetting” but,<br />
rather, a policy of not explicit (and public) remembering. The fear to any involution, easily made felt <strong>by</strong><br />
a vigilant military which had not renounced to its former political role within the authoritarian regime,<br />
together with the fear to the return of a division of the country along the civil war cleavage, acted as<br />
powerful deterrents for any significant attempt of transitional justice. Differently to later processes,<br />
there was no a true and/or reconciliation commission. There were no trials for any <strong>crimes</strong> <strong>committed</strong><br />
<strong>by</strong> the authorities of the dictatorship. Nor there was a process of depuration and many of Franco’s<br />
military and administrative allies and supporters retained their post and some remained in positions of<br />
power. In this way, the burden of reconciliation was unevenly distributed: in front of the guarantees for<br />
the persons affected to the Franco regime, its victims did not obtain any justice or even recognition.<br />
Reconciliation was basically understood as a joint negotiation of the present.<br />
The few efforts in the direction of justice and recognition came about in a piece mail, not integrated<br />
approach and often in a non public or even semi clandestine form. They never occupied the centre of<br />
the political stage. Measures referred, on the one hand, to the recognition of material entitlements for<br />
deprived categories of persons because of their relation with the Republican side and, on the other hand,<br />
to symbolic measures. As for the first, actuations had had a sense of equalising or equiparing situations<br />
for enjoying certain social entitlements which were already available for those identified with the<br />
Franco side during the Civil War and Spaniards in general. Only those identified with the Republic were<br />
* Carlos Closa, CCHS, CSIC (Spain).<br />
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