crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje

crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje

22.11.2013 Views

Crimes committed by totalitarian regimes Minor defects and shortcomings notwithstanding, the law is, as I already mentioned, already there. In the time of the Cold War, it was politically possible to freeze the question of applying the law to acts of the victorious USSR. Similar cases were not treated alike. When Nazi Germany attacked Poland on 1 September 1939, it was an aggressor; when the USSR attacked Poland on 17 September 1939, it was on a liberating mission. When Hitler forced Czechoslovakia to surrender with the threat of war, he committed aggression; when Stalin did the same with the three Baltic republics in June 1940, he was merely preparing to defend his country in the face of approaching Nazi aggression. When Hitler deported civilians, he committed crimes against humanity; when Stalin did so, it was all a Soviet internal affair. No one voluntarily accepts to play the role of collateral damage. When the Cold War ended, it became clear that it was not possible to uphold such contradictions as described in the paragraph above any longer. Western governments emphasized more clearly the fact that the Baltic States had been illegally occupied and annexed by the USSR from 1940 to 1991. The European Court of Human Rights has also clearly recognized the fact of the Soviet occupation of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in the admissibility cases of Kolk, Kislyi and Penart v. Estonia (2006). In the same cases, the Strasbourg court has accepted that the Nuremberg definitions of crimes are indeed universal. These definitions of crimes were previously used for persecuting Nazi criminals but they can equally be applied to acts committed by others, even including victorious powers. So far, the government of the Russian Federation has denied that any illegal occupation might have been carried out by the USSR in the Baltic States. All Baltic attempts to prosecute individuals who deported civilians in the Baltic States, for example, during the Soviet mass deportation of 25 March 1949 – almost four years after the end of World War II in Europe – have been seen as unfriendly and revisionist by the Russian government. But it is only the application of the very same standard of international law, nothing more or less. To sum up previous remarks, of the three types of making reparation in the international law of state responsibility – restitution, compensation and satisfaction – the latter is probably the most needed in the cases of mass crimes organized by governments, including occupying governments. Reconciliation is not possible based on historical distortions such as: that the Baltic nations joined the USSR voluntarily, and that there were no crimes such as executions or deportations in the Baltic States at all, or if there were any, then all Soviet people suffered in the same way. Occupation, the destruction of already established nation states in 1940, created a specific context to the Soviet crimes in the Baltic nations. This context is determined by international law. And of course there is otherwise no exclusivity in the suffering of the Baltic nations; we are all in favour of condemning Stalin’s regime’s crimes against the Russian and other Soviet peoples as well. Thus, reconciliation remains a very important and perhaps the most important goal in the process of dealing with the past – reconciliation based on historical truth and satisfaction. 12 1 For further and more detailed reading on these topics by the author, please consult: Illegal Annexation and State Continuity: the Case of the Incorporation of the Baltic States by the USSR. A Study of the Tension between Normativity and Power in International Law, Martinus Nijhoff, Leiden–Boston 2003; “Soviet Genocide? Communist Mass Deportations in the Baltic States and International Law”, Leiden Journal of International Law, 14 (2001), pp. 757–787; “Von der Demokratie bis zur Diktatur – ein verborgener Dialog zwischen Artur- Tõeleid Kliimann und Carl Schmitt”, Der Staat, 43 (2004), pp. 57–82; “The Definition of Genocide and the Role of Soviet International Lawyers: Reflections on the Socialist Legacy in International Law”, Baltic Yearbook of International Law, 6, Martinus Nijhoff, Leiden– Boston 2006, pp. 111–124. 176

Crimes committed by totalitarian regimes Dariusz Gabriel Prosecution of Nazi and Communist crimes in Poland 1. The Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation to execute the investigation function of The Institute of National Remembrance Following Poland’s regaining independence in late 80’s of the last century, after the first partially free elections in June 1989, the judicatory, as represented by the Government of the Republic of Poland, faced the challenge of full recognition and punishment of Communist crimes. The Commission, proceeding with the activity performed by the former Central Commission for Investigation of Nazi Crimes in Poland (Glowna Komisja Badania Zbrodni Hitlerowskich w Polsce), based on the Act of 4 April, extended in 1991 both the subject-matter and the time scope of investigation and prosecution of crimes. It included, as one of the objects of interests, investigations concerning deportation of soldiers of the Home Army (Armia Krajowa) and other independent forces, as well as inhabitants of the Eastern Borderlands (Kresy Wschodnie) of the 2 nd Polish Republic, into the USSR, with respect to crimes committed by officers of the Military Intelligence (Informacja Wojskowa) and the Ministry of Public Security of Poland (Ministerstwo Bezpieczenstwa Publicznego), pacification of the Polish land between the Vistula and Bug rivers, as well as other crime to be defined as war crimes and crimes against humanity. It was vital to develop new legal regulations to provide for typology of cases of unjust behaviour and acts by the authorities of the Communist state against the citizen. It was necessary to specify the term “Communist crime” with respect to a penal and legal tool which would comprise one of the elements of recognition and punishment of Communist system. The Act of 6 April 1984 on the Central Commission for Investigation of Nazi Crimes in Poland (Glowna Komisja Badania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu), as binding at that time (Dziennik Ustaw /The Gazette/ of 14 April 1984, No. 21, Item 98, as amended), did not grant The Institute of National Remembrance (Instytut Pamieci Narodowej) a possibility to deal with crimes committed after 1956, thus narrowing the time census until 31 December 1956, and, at the same time, affording a statutory definition of the Stalinist crime as one committed to the detriment of an individual or group of individuals, in the period until 31 December 1956 by the authorities of the Communist state or provoked or connived at by them. The regulations of the Act did not either provide for a basic function: execution, within reasonably prompt time limits, of criminal proceedings against persons who are suspected of committing Stalinist or Nazi crimes. The reason for this was a procedural difficulty, wherein substantive decisions – ones concluding the proceedings – were issued by a public prosecutor, which resulted in lasting proceedings and was likely to violate the right of he victim to have the perpetrator tried within reasonable time limits. The society perceived each year of impunity of perpetrators of crimes of the Communist system as incapability and perplexity of the state. The Constitution adopted by the highest authority of the Republic of Poland – the National Assembly – in Article 44, defines the requirement for the period of prescription with respect to crimes, not prosecuted for political reasons, committed by public officers or ordered by them, which were suspended until such reasons cease to persist. Therefore, both the Government of the Republic of Poland and MP’s bills, as well as the Extraordinary Commission on consideration of draft acts concerning granting general access to the archives and documentation of the former state security authorities, which was established by the Seym (the lower house of the Polish Parliament) of the 3 rd Term on 23 April 1998, aimed to prepare a legal regulation on the level of a Parliamentary Act, that would satisfy the requirement, as imposed by the Constitution, as well as take account of the will of the Legislative. The subject-matter of the work by the Extraordinary Commission was considering a need to include in the proceeded Act, that the activity of The Institute of National Remembrance should cover the period following the year 1956 as well, so that perpetrators of all Communist crimes that had not been recognised up to that moment, could be prosecuted on the grounds of the penal code by the judicatory. 177

Crimes <strong>committed</strong> <strong>by</strong> <strong>totalitarian</strong> <strong>regimes</strong><br />

Minor defects and shortcomings notwithstanding, the law is, as I already mentioned, already there.<br />

In the time of the Cold War, it was politically possible to freeze the question of applying the law to acts<br />

of the victorious USSR. Similar cases were not treated alike. When Nazi Germany attacked Poland<br />

on 1 September 1939, it was an aggressor; when the USSR attacked Poland on 17 September 1939,<br />

it was on a liberating mission. When Hitler forced Czechoslovakia to surrender with the threat of<br />

war, he <strong>committed</strong> aggression; when Stalin did the same with the three Baltic republics in June 1940,<br />

he was merely preparing to defend his country in the face of approaching Nazi aggression. When<br />

Hitler deported civilians, he <strong>committed</strong> <strong>crimes</strong> against humanity; when Stalin did so, it was all a Soviet<br />

internal affair.<br />

No one voluntarily accepts to play the role of collateral damage. When the Cold War ended, it<br />

became clear that it was not possible to uphold such contradictions as described in the paragraph above<br />

any longer. Western governments emphasized more clearly the fact that the Baltic States had been<br />

illegally occupied and annexed <strong>by</strong> the USSR from 1940 to 1991. The European Court of Human Rights<br />

has also clearly recognized the fact of the Soviet occupation of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in the<br />

admissibility cases of Kolk, Kislyi and Penart v. Estonia (2006). In the same cases, the Strasbourg court<br />

has accepted that the Nuremberg definitions of <strong>crimes</strong> are indeed universal. These definitions of <strong>crimes</strong><br />

were previously used for persecuting Nazi criminals but they can equally be applied to acts <strong>committed</strong><br />

<strong>by</strong> others, even including victorious powers.<br />

So far, the government of the Russian Federation has denied that any illegal occupation might<br />

have been carried out <strong>by</strong> the USSR in the Baltic States. All Baltic attempts to prosecute individuals<br />

who deported civilians in the Baltic States, for example, during the Soviet mass deportation of 25<br />

March 1949 – almost four years after the end of World War II in Europe – have been seen as unfriendly<br />

and revisionist <strong>by</strong> the Russian government. But it is only the application of the very same standard of<br />

international law, nothing more or less.<br />

To sum up previous remarks, of the three types of making reparation in the international law of state<br />

responsibility – restitution, compensation and satisfaction – the latter is probably the most needed in the<br />

cases of mass <strong>crimes</strong> organized <strong>by</strong> governments, including occupying governments. Reconciliation is<br />

not possible based on historical distortions such as: that the Baltic nations joined the USSR voluntarily,<br />

and that there were no <strong>crimes</strong> such as executions or deportations in the Baltic States at all, or if there<br />

were any, then all Soviet people suffered in the same way. Occupation, the destruction of already<br />

established nation states in 1940, created a specific context to the Soviet <strong>crimes</strong> in the Baltic nations.<br />

This context is determined <strong>by</strong> international law. And of course there is otherwise no exclusivity in the<br />

suffering of the Baltic nations; we are all in favour of condemning Stalin’s regime’s <strong>crimes</strong> against the<br />

Russian and other Soviet peoples as well.<br />

Thus, reconciliation remains a very important and perhaps the most important goal in the process<br />

of dealing with the past – reconciliation based on historical truth and satisfaction. 12<br />

1<br />

For further and more detailed reading on these topics <strong>by</strong> the author, please consult: Illegal Annexation and State Continuity: the Case of<br />

the Incorporation of the Baltic States <strong>by</strong> the USSR. A Study of the Tension between Normativity and Power in International Law, Martinus<br />

Nijhoff, Leiden–Boston 2003; “Soviet Genocide? Communist Mass Deportations in the Baltic States and International Law”, Leiden<br />

Journal of International Law, 14 (2001), pp. 757–787; “Von der Demokratie bis zur Diktatur – ein verborgener Dialog zwischen Artur-<br />

Tõeleid Kliimann und Carl Schmitt”, Der Staat, 43 (2004), pp. 57–82; “The Definition of Genocide and the Role of Soviet International<br />

Lawyers: Reflections on the Socialist Legacy in International Law”, Baltic Yearbook of International Law, 6, Martinus Nijhoff, Leiden–<br />

Boston 2006, pp. 111–124.<br />

176

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!