crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje
crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje
crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje
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Crimes <strong>committed</strong> <strong>by</strong> <strong>totalitarian</strong> <strong>regimes</strong><br />
In spite of their membership in the political police and their roles in the killing of political opponents<br />
and staging trials, Ribičič and Avbelj remained leading officials around whom young communists<br />
assembled. Among them was Milan Kučan, whose first position was as leader of Communist Youth;<br />
as such he participated in the suppression of the students’ protests in 1968. Later, when Ribičič was<br />
Chairman of the Workers’ Alliance of Slovenia, Kučan was appointed its Secretary. In 1978, Kučan<br />
was promoted to the Chairmanship of the Slovene Parliament at Ribičič’s recommendation. In 1982,<br />
when Ribičič went to Belgrade to join the Communist League leadership, Kučan accompanied him.<br />
They both returned to Slovenia in 1986, Ribičič to retire and Kučan to become President of the Slovene<br />
League of Communists. 7<br />
Thus, Kučan was the leader of the Slovene Communists when communism collapsed in Europe.<br />
In Slovenia, DEMOS (the Democratic Opposition of Slovenia) formed a government, separated from<br />
Yugoslavia, and for a few years was generally influential. Yet, Kučan succeeded in being elected<br />
President of the country, while Ribičič’s son Ciril became the transitional leader of the League of<br />
Communists, eventually renamed the Social-Democratic Party.<br />
After a few years of Western democratic influence, Kučan’s Social Democrats together with Liberal<br />
Democrats (the renamed Communist Youth) took over the parliament. In the mid-1990’s, when this body<br />
had to form a new Constitutional Court, it unsurprisingly elected communist judges as Kučan had put<br />
forward all the candidates. 8 One of the new constitutional judges was Ciril Ribičič, Mitja’s son.<br />
The atmosphere in Slovenia in the 1990’s is best shown <strong>by</strong> the half-page death announcement of<br />
Viktor Avbelj - Rudi after he <strong>committed</strong> suicide in 1993. 9 President Kučan, Prime Minister Drnovšek,<br />
and President (Speaker) Rigelnik of the Parliament signed Avbelj’s obituary. Despite Avbelj’s past in<br />
the political police, they proclaimed “glory to his memory”.<br />
Before 1989, a Marxist moral-political orientation was considered an essential qualification for a<br />
judge. However, as no judges were dismissed, those with this ‘qualification’ remain in situ. It is hardly<br />
surprising, therefore that Prime Minister, Janez Janša expressed the following view of the Slovene<br />
judiciary: “Those who have ruled Slovenia almost without interruption for the last 60 years, succeeded in<br />
establishing during that time a special one-party judicial system controlled <strong>by</strong> their own power ... They<br />
dominated everything – from professorships at the universities to prison guards ... This network has never<br />
been fully dismantled. The judiciary reform of 1994 even attempted to rebuild it in some way ... Perhaps<br />
measures such as the European Union has recently demanded from Bulgaria could help ...” 10<br />
Peter Jambrek, Slovenia’s judge in the European Court of Human Rights until 1998, is of a similar<br />
opinion as quoted in Delo’s Saturday supplement. 11<br />
On the other hand, Milan Kučan, who as President selected Constitutional Court judges, has<br />
maintained close contact with other political policeman, such as Zdenko Roter, who had specialised in<br />
the persecution of priests, and Stane Saksida, who explained Kučan’s idea of ‘civil society’ when Forum<br />
21 was set up. 12 Forum 21 is to teach Slovenes – supposedly confused <strong>by</strong> the multi-party system – how<br />
to run their country.<br />
1.3. Ex post facto changes in law<br />
It is not just that courts in Slovenia are neither impartial nor independent; it was the legislative<br />
branch, i.e. the Slovene Parliament, that violated the principle of no retroactive legislation, in 1998.<br />
A description of how the legal provisions were altered ex post facto in 1998 is contained in the<br />
Order (Sklep) of the Higher Court in Ljubljana 13 English translation: “The first instance Court adopted<br />
the view that the legal basis for the solution of this case is contained in the Act on the Implementation<br />
of Penal Sanctions (Official Gazette of the Socialist Republic of Slovenia 17/78 – 8/90 and of the<br />
Republic of Slovenia 12/92). Simultaneously it adopted the view that financial claims were included<br />
in the confiscation pronounced with the criminal sentence issued <strong>by</strong> the depending party, i.e. the<br />
State. Regarding these claims, the first instance court was of the opinion that the accused party was<br />
7<br />
Mladina, 31 August 1993, p. 23.<br />
8<br />
Mag, 3 January 2007, p. 28.<br />
9<br />
Delo, 7 April 1993.<br />
10<br />
Demokracija, 31 June 2006.<br />
11<br />
Delo, 9 December 2006.<br />
12<br />
Delo, 10 June 2004, p. 5.<br />
13<br />
Dated 16 April 1999, No II Cp 326/97, p. 8.<br />
137