crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje

crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje

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Crimes committed by totalitarian regimes In March 1923, the first Prefect of Venezia Giulia notified all mayors and civil servants that a ministerial decree prohibited the use of local languages, with Italian being the only official language. 3435 The Royal Decree No. 800 35 36 of 29 March 1923 then replaced several-century-old Slovene and Croatian toponyms with mostly newly-coined Italian names. Eventually, Italianized names of Slovene places, rivers, mounts, etc. gained ground, and Italian was determined the only official language to be used in all public and private matters, on public signs and memorials. The Act No. 17 of 10 January 1926 stipulated that the change of surnames also applied to company names. The Royal Decree No. 494 of 7 April 1927 (according to which the Royal Decree No. 17 and the Act No. 898 of 24 May 1926 valid for South Tyrol also applied to Venezia Giulia) called for the Italianization of family names. According to certain data, 36 37 as many as 115,000 Slovene family names were Italianized. In accordance with the Act No. 383 of 8 March 1928 (incorporated into the Royal Decree No. 1238 on 9 July 1939), it was prohibited to give newborn babies funny or immoral names or names that would offend the public opinion. In other words, it was prohibited to give one’s children Slovene names. Moreover, Article 3 of the said Act provided for the Italianization of Slovene baptismal names used by grown-ups, 37 38 authorizing local population register offices to autonomously translate Slovene and other names into Italian. As estimated, 3839 in Trieste and Gorizia there were as many as 75 % of Slovene names Italianized. The Fascist regime also introduced special registers of Italianized surnames. According to Laod Čermelj who based his estimation on such registers, 39 40 there were at least half a million persons whose surnames were Italianized. 2.7. Economy The Fascist ascent to power increased the pressure on Slovene economy. Until the formal imposition of dictatorship, the most serious threat was posed to the ownership rights of Slovene municipalities in Venezia Giulia since the Royal Decree No. 1122 of 23 May 1924 had severely limited their operation. They had to obtain approval for any type of construction or excavation and for cutting woods, while the military authorities had the right to expropriate private property or to demolish a certain building at any time. In addition, the Royal Decree No. 751 of 22 May 1925 and other Fascist measures gave a severe blow to Slovene peasants who had made a living from the common village property (owned by the village or agrarian community) for ages (while granting a number of benefits to Italian tenants). 4041 As for labour rights, the Act No. 563 of 3 April 1926 assigned the exclusive responsibility to select workers to Fascist trade unions, which meant that employers could hire only workers proposed by Fascist trade unions. That same year saw the adoption of the Act No. 747 of 6 May stipulating that members of the Italian Bar Association were allowed to appoint only one half of the members of the board, while the other half had to be nominated by the Fascist barristers’ union. Furthermore, the Act No. 2268 of 23 December 1926 decreed the dismissal of all sailors of Slovene and Croatian nationalities working on Italian vessels. In accordance with a decree adopted in next January, the dismissal also applied to port workers, miners from the Idrija mercury mine, etc. 4142 In the field of economy, denaturalization reached its peak in the 1920s. In 1921, the Institute for Agrarian Revival (Ente per la rinascita Agraria delle Tre Venezie) launched an expropriation campaign and organized auction sales that sold numerous land estates and populated them with Italian tenants as part of the so called “ethnic amelioration” programme. 42 43 The plan also envisaged the resettlement of certain population categories to inland Italy or African colonies, which was thwarted by the war. The Act No. 1770 of 1927 and several other measures caused additional damage to the aforementioned common village property. 34 NŠK OZE, HI/Z, Seznam/3 and Področja/7. 35 NŠK OZE, HI/Z, Seznam/2 and Področja/15; Čermelj, Slovenci, op. cit., pp. 148–150 (According to Čermelj, this was Royal Decree No. 900). 36 NŠK OZE, HI/Z, Seznam/7, 8 and Področja/8, 15, 16. 37 NŠK OZE, HI/Z, Seznam/13; Področja/17; Čermelj, Slovenci, op. cit., pp. 161–162. 38 Enciklopedija Slovenije, op. cit., no. 4, p. 187. 39 Čermelj, Slovenci, op. cit., p. 154. 40 NŠK OZE, HI/Z, Seznam/4, 14 and Področja/17, 19; Čermelj, Slovenci, op. cit., pp. 167, 168, 174–187. 41 Čermelj, Slovenci, op. cit., pp. 96–99; NŠK OZE, HI/Z, Seznam/8, 9 and Področja/10, 11. 42 NŠK OZE, HI/Z, Področja/18. 130

Crimes committed by totalitarian regimes The decisive blow to Slovene economy was delivered in the form of financial aid cancellation. In 1928, the Fascists dissolved the Management and Supervisory Boards of Slovene Cooperative Associations in Trieste and Gorizia. The former was composed of 140 cooperatives (of which there were 86 credit unions) with a total membership of 45,000, while the latter joined together 170 cooperatives (including 70 credit unions) with a total membership of 47,000. The Act No. 375 of 12 March 1936 and the Royal Decree No. 1400 of 17 July 1937 provided for the state’s complete nationalization and loan concentration, as well as for exclusion of any foreign capital. The remaining Slovene financial institutions and credit unions were either abolished or forced to merge with their Italian counterparts. 4344 2.8. Ecclesiastical conditions Interestingly, it was in the field of religion that the Slovene language witnessed the longest use. Eventually, the policy pursued by the civil authorities accompanied by the silence of the Vatican City and the local church hierarchy (in particular after the Lateran Treaty of 1929) had an increasingly stronger and faster impact on this area of people’s life. Gradually, the Fascists managed to replace bishops who were friendly to Slovenes and Croats with those who were loyal to the regime, and persecuted Slovene and Croatian priests. In 1933, they prohibited the use of Slovene in churches in the Venezia district (to which the Vatican City did not object), and in 1934 they closed down all Slovene and Croatian monasteries in Venezia Giulia. 4445 3. Fascism in the Slovene territory during WWII On 6 April 1941 Yugoslavia was invaded, partitioned and occupied. The Italians occupied the Slovene regions of Dolenjska and Notranjska and united them into the Ljubljana Province (Provincia di Lubiana). On 3 May 1941 the Province was formally annexed to Italy, by which the Italians violated international law according to which it was not allowed to annex an occupied territory prior to the signing of the peace treaty. In the spring of 1941, the Italian territory populated by Slovenes thus expanded by some 4,550 square km, while the number of Slovenes living within Italian borders rose from almost 319,000 to around 700,000. The census conducted by the Italian occupational authorities on 31 July 1941 showed 4546 that the Ljubljana Province’s population totalled 339,751, of which there were 318,773 Slovenes (93.8 %), 13,580 Germans, 5,053 Croats, 511 Serbs, 1,376 citizens of other nationalities (including some Jews), and only 458 Italians. The invasion of Yugoslavia did not change the administrative and political system of Venezia Giulia nor the Fascists’ negative attitude towards the Slovene and Croatian national communities. The military and civil authorities expected “Slovene irredentism” to gain ground, and their fear must have facilitated the preservation of police control along the former Rapallo border. In order to suppress the Slovene resistance, the Fascists formed special police groups that “distinguished themselves” with their cruelty. In mid-February 1942, they launched major and minor offensive operations, while in the beginning of spring 1942 they started carrying out repressive measures (they burned down villages and hanged civilians). 4647 Certain Fascist functionaries justified their acts by quoting Mussolini’s speech delivered to his military commandants on 31 July 1942 47 48 in Gorizia in which he stressed that he was not against the expulsion of all Slovenes. In the meantime, the Fascists administering the Slovene territory lying to the east of the Rapallo border pursued a milder occupational policy in comparison with their German and Hungarian allies. They somehow paid respect to Slovene cultural and educational institutions as they wanted to win the sympathies of the population, which they partly did for some time. 48 49 Even if certain Slovene intellectuals collaborated with the Italians in the beginning, the relations soon cooled down owing to the state of war and Partisan actions. The Italian occupiers increasingly modelled themselves on 43 NŠK OZE, HI/Z, Seznam/17 and Področja/17, 18; Čermelj, Slovenci, op. cit., pp. 169, 173. More details in Milan Pahor, Lastno gospodarstvo jamstvo za obstoj, Trst, SDGZ, 1998. 44 More details in: Pelikan, Tajno delovanje, op. cit. 45 Davide Rodogno, Il nuovo ordine mediterraneo, Bollati Boringhieri, Torino 2003, p. 114. 46 Tone Ferenc, Neupogljivi zakon Rima (La legge inflessibile di Roma), Društvo piscev zgodovine NOB, Ljubljana 2004. 47 Tone Ferenc, La provincia ‘italiana’ di Lubiana, documenti 1941–1942, IFSML, Udine, doc. no. 91. 48 E.g. Bojan Godeša, Kdor ni z nami, je proti nam, CZ, Ljubljana 1995, pp. 73–107. 131

Crimes <strong>committed</strong> <strong>by</strong> <strong>totalitarian</strong> <strong>regimes</strong><br />

The decisive blow to Slovene economy was delivered in the form of financial aid cancellation.<br />

In 1928, the Fascists dissolved the Management and Supervisory Boards of Slovene Cooperative<br />

Associations in Trieste and Gorizia. The former was composed of 140 cooperatives (of which there were<br />

86 credit unions) with a total membership of 45,000, while the latter joined together 170 cooperatives<br />

(including 70 credit unions) with a total membership of 47,000. The Act No. 375 of 12 March 1936 and<br />

the Royal Decree No. 1400 of 17 July 1937 provided for the state’s complete nationali<strong>za</strong>tion and loan<br />

concentration, as well as for exclusion of any foreign capital. The remaining Slovene financial institutions<br />

and credit unions were either abolished or forced to merge with their Italian counterparts. 4344<br />

2.8. Ecclesiastical conditions<br />

Interestingly, it was in the field of religion that the Slovene language witnessed the longest use.<br />

Eventually, the policy pursued <strong>by</strong> the civil authorities accompanied <strong>by</strong> the silence of the Vatican City and<br />

the local church hierarchy (in particular after the Lateran Treaty of 1929) had an increasingly stronger<br />

and faster impact on this area of people’s life. Gradually, the Fascists managed to replace bishops who<br />

were friendly to Slovenes and Croats with those who were loyal to the regime, and persecuted Slovene<br />

and Croatian priests. In 1933, they prohibited the use of Slovene in churches in the Venezia district<br />

(to which the Vatican City did not object), and in 1934 they closed down all Slovene and Croatian<br />

monasteries in Venezia Giulia. 4445<br />

3. Fascism in the Slovene territory during WWII<br />

On 6 April 1941 Yugoslavia was invaded, partitioned and occupied. The Italians occupied the<br />

Slovene regions of Dolenjska and Notranjska and united them into the Ljubljana Province (Provincia<br />

di Lubiana). On 3 May 1941 the Province was formally annexed to Italy, <strong>by</strong> which the Italians violated<br />

international law according to which it was not allowed to annex an occupied territory prior to the<br />

signing of the peace treaty.<br />

In the spring of 1941, the Italian territory populated <strong>by</strong> Slovenes thus expanded <strong>by</strong> some 4,550<br />

square km, while the number of Slovenes living within Italian borders rose from almost 319,000 to<br />

around 700,000. The census conducted <strong>by</strong> the Italian occupational authorities on 31 July 1941 showed 4546<br />

that the Ljubljana Province’s population totalled 339,751, of which there were 318,773 Slovenes (93.8<br />

%), 13,580 Germans, 5,053 Croats, 511 Serbs, 1,376 citizens of other nationalities (including some<br />

Jews), and only 458 Italians.<br />

The invasion of Yugoslavia did not change the administrative and political system of Venezia<br />

Giulia nor the Fascists’ negative attitude towards the Slovene and Croatian national communities.<br />

The military and civil authorities expected “Slovene irredentism” to gain ground, and their fear must<br />

have facilitated the preservation of police control along the former Rapallo border. In order to suppress<br />

the Slovene resistance, the Fascists formed special police groups that “distinguished themselves” with<br />

their cruelty. In mid-February 1942, they launched major and minor offensive operations, while in the<br />

beginning of spring 1942 they started carrying out repressive measures (they burned down villages and<br />

hanged civilians). 4647 Certain Fascist functionaries justified their acts <strong>by</strong> quoting Mussolini’s speech<br />

delivered to his military commandants on 31 July 1942 47 48<br />

in Gorizia in which he stressed that he was<br />

not against the expulsion of all Slovenes.<br />

In the meantime, the Fascists administering the Slovene territory lying to the east of the Rapallo<br />

border pursued a milder occupational policy in comparison with their German and Hungarian allies.<br />

They somehow paid respect to Slovene cultural and educational institutions as they wanted to win<br />

the sympathies of the population, which they partly did for some time. 48 49<br />

Even if certain Slovene<br />

intellectuals collaborated with the Italians in the beginning, the relations soon cooled down owing<br />

to the state of war and Partisan actions. The Italian occupiers increasingly modelled themselves on<br />

43<br />

NŠK OZE, HI/Z, Seznam/17 and Področja/17, 18; Čermelj, Slovenci, op. cit., pp. 169, 173. More details in Milan Pahor, Lastno<br />

gospodarstvo jamstvo <strong>za</strong> obstoj, Trst, SDGZ, 1998.<br />

44<br />

More details in: Pelikan, Tajno delovanje, op. cit.<br />

45<br />

Davide Rodogno, Il nuovo ordine mediterraneo, Bollati Boringhieri, Torino 2003, p. 114.<br />

46<br />

Tone Ferenc, Neupogljivi <strong>za</strong>kon Rima (La legge inflessibile di Roma), Društvo piscev zgodovine NOB, Ljubljana 2004.<br />

47<br />

Tone Ferenc, La provincia ‘italiana’ di Lubiana, documenti 1941–1942, IFSML, Udine, doc. no. 91.<br />

48<br />

E.g. Bojan Godeša, Kdor ni z nami, je proti nam, CZ, Ljubljana 1995, pp. 73–107.<br />

131

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