crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje

crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje

22.11.2013 Views

Crimes committed by totalitarian regimes Nevertheless, formal and legal reasons did not stop the occupying authorities from thoroughly changing or replacing the then Slovenian administration, school system, etc., thus integrating the occupied regions into their social, political and cultural system in every respect. All existing political parties and associations were, of course, abolished, as well as the existing administrative structure; instead of districts, the Nazis organised prefectures headed by political commissars or land councillors. All mayors and public servants were also replaced, including the lowest positions. Their places were taken by civil servants from the Reich (especially from Austria) and credible members of the Nazi Party, while lower posts were occupied by local Germans; only in the case of a thorough shortage of civil servants were native Slovenians (“Windischer”) considered suitable. The administration functioned exactly as it did in the German Reich, while political life under this totalitarian system was of course controlled by the Nazi Party with the omnipresent divisions of the police and the security service. The main goal of Nazi rule, however, was the thorough ethnic cleansing and Germanisation of the population, and the fully German character of the occupied territories, achieved as soon as possible. To this end, the new authorities foresaw and started implementing a number of measures. The first was, of course, the complete removal of everything with a Slovenian character, either externally, formally or substantively. Thus all Slovenian societies were abolished, along with political, civil and economic associations and establishments, and property was confiscated. All Slovenian public signs were replaced with German signs, and personal and geographical names were germanised; in some cases even previously established German geographical names were replaced by new, “more German” designations. All Slovenian schools were abolished, Slovenian printed material was forbidden and the population was called upon to hand over all Slovenian books to the authorities; the Nazis ended up burning more than two million Slovenian books. To make the population learn German and abandon Slovene as soon as possible, the Nazis established new kindergartens, organised a great number of German courses and generally built an elaborate system of Germanisation intended to cover all people from childhood to late old age. Teachers and childcare providers were brought from Austrian territories, and children and youth were made members of Nazi political and sport organisations. Slovene was almost completely banished from churches as well, which was not difficult in view of the fact that most Slovenian clergy were displaced to the territory of the Independent State of Croatia. Members of the Orthodox Church were persecuted and their churches were pulled down, which of course did not apply to Protestants, who were the only members of the German minority in Lower Styria. All church property was confiscated, and the Maribor Bishop Ivan Tomažič was practically confined to house arrest. 11 The principal organisations intended to promote Germanisation and Nazification were the Styrian Patriotic Alliance (Steirischer Heimatbund) in Lower Styria and the Carinthian People’s Union (Kärtner Volksbund) in Upper Carniola. It was not a coincidence that these two organisations admitted all members of the Kulturbund, who immediately took the leading role. It was not a coincidence, either, that some of the leading roles in the process of Germanisation were taken by the well-known nationalist ideologues Carstanjen and Maier-Kaibitsch, who became regional leaders of the Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle in Graz and Klagenfurt, respectively. Himmler designated the heads of both civil administrations as persons empowered for the strengthening of German identity. 12 The occupied Slovenian territory was the only area in Europe where Nazis implemented a detailed racial and political assessment of the whole population, which was connected with the awarding of citizenship, although this issue was fully irrelevant according to international law. Due to understandable opportunism, the majority of the population of Styria and Carinthia joined the Styrian Patriotic Alliance and the Carinthian People’s Union. Nobody believed, however, that entry was voluntary, so the authorities carried out a “perlustration” of the population, i.e. its racial and political assessment. Thus the spring and summer saw the respective assessment of all members of the Styrian Patriotic Alliance, and of the entire population in Upper Carniola. Racial marks ranked from I (very good) to IV (racially inappropriate), while political marks ranked from A (prominently pro-German) to E (prominently anti- German). The most common marks were III (average) in the racial and C (indifferent) in the political aspect. On this basis, most of the applicants were admitted as temporary members of both organisations, 11 Miloš Rybář, “Nacistični ukrepi zoper duhovščino lavantinske škofije 1941–1945” (“Nazi Measures against the Clergy of the Lavantine Diocese”), in: Zbornik ob 750-letnici mariborske škofije 1228–1978 (Miscellany on the 750 th Anniversary of the Maribor Diocese), Maribor 1978, pp. 44–102. 12 Tone Ferenc, “Položaj slovenskega naroda ob okupaciji leta 1941” (“The Situation of the Slovenian Nation Upon Occupation in 1941”), pp. 21–22, 29. 120

Crimes committed by totalitarian regimes while about a quarter of the applicants were rejected. Of course, permanent membership was granted to the members of the Kulturbund and the German minority. Membership in the Styrian Patriotic Alliance and the Carinthian People’s Union accordingly precluded the level of citizenship granted by the German authorities on the basis of the decree of Herman Göring of 14 October 1941. Thus, the members of the German minority acquired German citizenship in retrospect, as of 14 April 1941. The temporary members of both organisations acquired German citizenship which could be revoked, while all others were considered so-called “protégés” of the German Reich. While “revocable citizens” had the option to become full citizens in ten years, the “protégés” faced a rather uncertain destiny; they had to go to forced labour to German farms or labour camps, and even faced the possibility of sterilisation. 13 Membership in both organisations proved fatal for male members in a certain sense. The Nazis first included all male members between 18 and 45 years of age in a semi-military formation, the Wehrmannschaft, where they were supposed to train for military service. Soon it began to be used to suppress the Partisan movement, thus playing a part in the Germanisation of the population. Although, as has been said, both occupied regions were eventually not integrated into the Reich in the formal legal sense, the heads of the civil administration introduced in the spring of 1942 compulsory service for all men in the National Labour Service RAD (Reichsarbeitdienst) and in the Germany army. At least 38,000 males had been forcibly mobilised to the RAD and the German army by the end of the war. 14 The principal measures by which the Nazi authorities intended to change the ethnic character of the occupied territories were the mass expulsion of Slovenians, on one hand, and the settlement or colonisation of Germans on the other. According to Himmler’s guidelines of April 1941, between 220,000 and 260,000 people were to be displaced, which was almost a third of the population then living under the German occupiers in Slovenia. The expulsion was to be carried out in a very short space of time, by October 1941, and therefore within five months and in four waves: first the expulsion of highly nationally conscious Slovenians, especially the intelligentsia and members of the leading strata; then immigrants after 1914 (1918); in the third wave the deportation of the population living near the border; and in the fourth the expulsion of those Slovenians not admitted to the Styrian Patriotic Alliance or Carinthian People’s Union for racial or political reasons. Deportations were launched in early June 1941, starting with the first wave of exiles, who were sent to Serbia. The Nazis generally assumed that all the exiles would be sent to Serbia, except those supposedly suitable for Germanisation, who would be sent to Germany. However, sending exiles to Serbia was later made difficult because of the local resistance movement, so the Nazis then redirected them to the territory of the Independent State of Croatia, and finally mainly to Germany. The third wave of exiles from the border belt at the south-eastern border of Styria was thus displaced between October 1941 and July 1942 to various German camps under the auspices of the Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle. In summer 1942, Himmler ordered the cessation of the expulsion of Slovenians from Lower Styria for national and political reasons. For Upper Carniola he had ordered this in August 1941, and of course postponed it to the post-war period. Later, the only exiles to Germany were relatives of Partisans and hostages that had been killed. 15 The exiles to Serbia were mostly kindly received by the native population, while those deported to German camps had to work hard as a cheap labour force, experiencing constant transfers from camp to camp. 16 Occupying authorities confiscated the property of all exiles for the benefit of “consolidating the German identity”, which, together with confiscation and expropriation from the other categories of the Slovenian population, also caused major material damage. 17 In total, the Nazis deported 7,200 Slovenians to Serbia, about 10,000 to Croatia, and 37,000 people from the border belt as well as about 8,000 relatives of hostages and Partisans to Germany. If we add another 17,000 people who fled to the Ljubljana Province from the danger of expulsion, around 80,000 Slovenians from the German occupation area were driven from their homes. However, since the Nazis were not able to fully realise all planned expulsions of Slovenians, the colonisation and settlement of Germans had to be limited and 13 Tone Ferenc, Nacistična raznarodovalna politika v Sloveniji v letih 1941–1945 (Nazi Denationalisation Policy in Slovenia in 1941–1945), Maribor 1968, pp. 744–771. 14 Marjan Žnidarič, Jože Dežman, Ludvik Puklavec, Nemška mobilizacija v Sloveniji v drugi svetovni vojni (German Mobilisation in Slovenia in the Second World War), Celje 2001. 15 Slovenska novejša zgodovina 1848–1992 (Recent Slovenian History 1848–1992), 1, pp. 586–588. 16 Tone Ferenc, “Izgnanci kot cenena delovna sila nemškega rajha” (“Exiles as a Cheap Labour Force of the German Reich”), Zgodovinski časopis, 25/1–2 (1971), pp. 47–59. 17 Milko Mikola, “Nacistične zaplembe zemljiških posesti na območju celjskega okrožja 1941–1945” (“Nazi Confiscation of Real Estate in the Area of the Celje District 1941–1945”), in: Celjski zbornik 1987 (Celje Yearbook 1987), Celje 1987, pp. 149–188. 121

Crimes <strong>committed</strong> <strong>by</strong> <strong>totalitarian</strong> <strong>regimes</strong><br />

Nevertheless, formal and legal reasons did not stop the occupying authorities from thoroughly changing<br />

or replacing the then Slovenian administration, school system, etc., thus integrating the occupied<br />

regions into their social, political and cultural system in every respect. All existing political parties<br />

and associations were, of course, abolished, as well as the existing administrative structure; instead of<br />

districts, the Nazis organised prefectures headed <strong>by</strong> political commissars or land councillors.<br />

All mayors and public servants were also replaced, including the lowest positions. Their places<br />

were taken <strong>by</strong> civil servants from the Reich (especially from Austria) and credible members of the Nazi<br />

Party, while lower posts were occupied <strong>by</strong> local Germans; only in the case of a thorough shortage of<br />

civil servants were native Slovenians (“Windischer”) considered suitable. The administration functioned<br />

exactly as it did in the German Reich, while political life under this <strong>totalitarian</strong> system was of course<br />

controlled <strong>by</strong> the Nazi Party with the omnipresent divisions of the police and the security service.<br />

The main goal of Nazi rule, however, was the thorough ethnic cleansing and Germanisation of the<br />

population, and the fully German character of the occupied territories, achieved as soon as possible.<br />

To this end, the new authorities foresaw and started implementing a number of measures. The first<br />

was, of course, the complete removal of everything with a Slovenian character, either externally,<br />

formally or substantively. Thus all Slovenian societies were abolished, along with political, civil and<br />

economic associations and establishments, and property was confiscated. All Slovenian public signs<br />

were replaced with German signs, and personal and geographical names were germanised; in some<br />

cases even previously established German geographical names were replaced <strong>by</strong> new, “more German”<br />

designations. All Slovenian schools were abolished, Slovenian printed material was forbidden and the<br />

population was called upon to hand over all Slovenian books to the authorities; the Nazis ended up<br />

burning more than two million Slovenian books. To make the population learn German and abandon<br />

Slovene as soon as possible, the Nazis established new kindergartens, organised a great number of<br />

German courses and generally built an elaborate system of Germanisation intended to cover all people<br />

from childhood to late old age. Teachers and childcare providers were brought from Austrian territories,<br />

and children and youth were made members of Nazi political and sport organisations. Slovene was<br />

almost completely banished from churches as well, which was not difficult in view of the fact that<br />

most Slovenian clergy were displaced to the territory of the Independent State of Croatia. Members<br />

of the Orthodox Church were persecuted and their churches were pulled down, which of course did<br />

not apply to Protestants, who were the only members of the German minority in Lower Styria. All<br />

church property was confiscated, and the Maribor Bishop Ivan Tomažič was practically confined to<br />

house arrest. 11 The principal organisations intended to promote Germanisation and Nazification were<br />

the Styrian Patriotic Alliance (Steirischer Heimatbund) in Lower Styria and the Carinthian People’s<br />

Union (Kärtner Volksbund) in Upper Carniola. It was not a coincidence that these two organisations<br />

admitted all members of the Kulturbund, who immediately took the leading role. It was not a<br />

coincidence, either, that some of the leading roles in the process of Germanisation were taken <strong>by</strong> the<br />

well-known nationalist ideologues Carstanjen and Maier-Kaibitsch, who became regional leaders of the<br />

Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle in Graz and Klagenfurt, respectively. Himmler designated the heads of both<br />

civil administrations as persons empowered for the strengthening of German identity. 12<br />

The occupied Slovenian territory was the only area in Europe where Nazis implemented a detailed<br />

racial and political assessment of the whole population, which was connected with the awarding of<br />

citizenship, although this issue was fully irrelevant according to international law. Due to understandable<br />

opportunism, the majority of the population of Styria and Carinthia joined the Styrian Patriotic Alliance<br />

and the Carinthian People’s Union. Nobody believed, however, that entry was voluntary, so the<br />

authorities carried out a “perlustration” of the population, i.e. its racial and political assessment. Thus<br />

the spring and summer saw the respective assessment of all members of the Styrian Patriotic Alliance,<br />

and of the entire population in Upper Carniola. Racial marks ranked from I (very good) to IV (racially<br />

inappropriate), while political marks ranked from A (prominently pro-German) to E (prominently anti-<br />

German). The most common marks were III (average) in the racial and C (indifferent) in the political<br />

aspect. On this basis, most of the applicants were admitted as temporary members of both organisations,<br />

11<br />

Miloš Rybář, “Nacistični ukrepi zoper duhovščino lavantinske škofije 1941–1945” (“Nazi Measures against the Clergy of the Lavantine<br />

Diocese”), in: Zbornik ob 750-letnici mariborske škofije 1228–1978 (Miscellany on the 750 th Anniversary of the Maribor Diocese),<br />

Maribor 1978, pp. 44–102.<br />

12<br />

Tone Ferenc, “Položaj slovenskega naroda ob okupaciji leta 1941” (“The Situation of the Slovenian Nation Upon Occupation in 1941”),<br />

pp. 21–22, 29.<br />

120

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