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crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje

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Crimes <strong>committed</strong> <strong>by</strong> <strong>totalitarian</strong> <strong>regimes</strong><br />

three tiers of bunks, with a 60 cm. wide space per prisoner. In most camps, the prisoners slept on wooden<br />

boards, but in some places, straw bags served as mattresses. In contrast to transit camps, barracks could<br />

usually be deloused, but cockroaches still plagued the prisoners. Inmates worked 10–14 hour days. In<br />

theory, on Sundays, they were exempt from work, but the commanding officers would find work for<br />

them on these days too. There were places where prisoners got unsubstantial wages, but it was not a<br />

general practice. The prisoners who had the best chances for survival were those able to work as skilled<br />

labourers in some factory or farm. However, the majority of prisoners worked in mines, cleared forests,<br />

or did road and railway construction. The worst conditions were in the Gulag camps, where condemned<br />

prisoners were held. The three most notorious camp districts (Vorkuta, Norilsk, and Kolyma) were<br />

located north of the Arctic Circle. Survivors remember winter temperatures often reaching -60° C,<br />

and even worse was the constant wind. In the Far East, the Taiset camp deserves mention, where the<br />

prisoners began to build the Baikal-Amur railway (BAM), hailed as the construction project of the<br />

century.<br />

As a result of the poor living and working conditions and the insufficient provisions in the Soviet<br />

camps, many of the prisoners became sick, and close to a third of the prisoners perished. It emerges<br />

from the prisoners’ accounts that the mass mortality was not only caused <strong>by</strong> the general post-war<br />

destitution. Multitudes died as a consequence of the typically Soviet-style disorgani<strong>za</strong>tion, corruption,<br />

and disregard for human life.<br />

Through the contacts with local residents in the workplaces, prisoners got acquainted with the<br />

everyday life in the Soviet Union. The memoirs demonstrate authentically and in detail how theft became<br />

an organic part of Soviet life. Formerly high-ranking Soviet party functionaries reiterated this quite openly<br />

in Kolima: “... they told us that the whole system here is unadulterated cheating, stealing, and lies. /.../<br />

anyone who doesn’t understand this, is bound to fail and die. One cannot live any differently in this<br />

country. /.../ It is almost compulsory, because whoever doesn’t do it is doing it the wrong way ...” 12<br />

The movement, exchange, and circulation of objects and assets were not ensured <strong>by</strong> selling and<br />

buying, or <strong>by</strong> simple barter, but <strong>by</strong> theft. The guards stole from the prisoners and vice versa; the prisoners<br />

stole from one another and from their workplace. The Hungarian officer brigade-leader stole from his<br />

subordinates; the Soviet higher authority stole from the prisoners when he sold the quilted jackets that<br />

were meant for them. The “free” workmates stole in the same way, as did the gate-keepers and the<br />

overseers.<br />

The survivors could not talk about their experiences in the Soviet Union. On their return to<br />

Hungary, they were threatened with being recaptured and taken back to the camps if they talked. The<br />

prisoners, the majority of whom returned in 1947 and 1948, would soon find out for themselves that, in<br />

contrast to what they had hoped for, it was not freedom that awaited them at home; the system that was<br />

being built in Hungary was one they had already experienced in Soviet captivity.<br />

12<br />

Interview with Gulag survivor . Kálmán Bálintfi, manuscript in the possession of the author, pp. 49–50.<br />

116

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