crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje
crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje
crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje
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Crimes <strong>committed</strong> <strong>by</strong> <strong>totalitarian</strong> <strong>regimes</strong><br />
As a team, we tried to point to the common roots of different types of population movements and<br />
to emphasize the connections among events which appear initially not to connect with each other. We<br />
tried to give a complex picture which included all these elements of migrations plus components which<br />
were not yet studied intensively, such as the migration of forced labourers and their repatriation. We<br />
agreed that ‘forced labour’ was a special form of migration during the war, provoked <strong>by</strong> the German<br />
and Soviet need to exploit at the highest possible level all resources available in the occupied countries.<br />
Nevertheless, team members thought that we did not need to deal with the history of German, Poles,<br />
Hungarian, and Romanian POWs and civilian internees who were captured <strong>by</strong> the Red Army and who<br />
were transported to the Soviet Union. They argued that their story did not fit within the framework<br />
of the ESF project. On the other hand, however, the fate of Soviet POWs in German custody and the<br />
history of forced labourers who were transferred to Germany from various regions of occupied Europe<br />
were in the focus of the team’s interest.<br />
Insisting on the ‘official’ framework of this project was evidence that my Western European<br />
colleagues did not understand that, without studying the fate of German, Polish, Hungarian, and<br />
Romanian forced labourers in the Soviet Union, we could not give a whole picture on war-related<br />
migration. However, this topic was not eliminated totally. Our book on the World War II related<br />
migrations, to be published at the end of this year, will include the history of Hungarian prisoners, if not<br />
the forced labourers of other Eastern European countries.<br />
The fate of foreign prisoners, soldiers, and civilian internees could be a topic doomed to oblivion,<br />
because its exposure would necessitate revising the currently formulated and accepted ‘Western’ views<br />
of the Second World War’s end, and put the onus on the Soviet leadership for the mass extinction of<br />
Hungarians and other prisoners. My experience with the ESF team and my familiarity with the work<br />
of Western historians suggest that the Western world generally agrees that scholars and politicians do<br />
not need to deal with the wrongs <strong>committed</strong> <strong>by</strong> the Soviet Union, since these wrongs are seen to be<br />
balanced – and even blotted out – <strong>by</strong> the Soviet Union’s participation in the defeat of Nazism. The<br />
subject of Soviet captivity barely appears in international scholarship, and the scholarly researcher or<br />
interested lay public face a scarcity of serious works and monographs. Yet the topic has a huge and, <strong>by</strong><br />
now, almost completely accessible source material.<br />
Russian archives are more or less open. Also, important documents concerning the fate of prisoners<br />
can now be perused in published document collections. In addition to the Russian and Hungarian<br />
archival sources, dozens of personal accounts have appeared as books or in journals since the collapse<br />
of Communism.<br />
From my research using these various sources, I have concluded that the hundreds of thousands<br />
of Hungarians and other foreign prisoners held captive in the Soviet Union should not be regarded as<br />
‘prisoners of war’ but as forced labourers. Among the pieces of evidence to support this usage is the fact<br />
that the Soviet leadership had established a camp system as early as the very beginning of the war, in<br />
September, 1939, which was intended for accommodating and utilizing the work not only of captured<br />
enemy soldiers, but also of civilians.<br />
On 19 th September 1939 – that is, a few days after the invasion of Poland <strong>by</strong> the Soviet Union – the<br />
People’s Commissar of the Interior, Lavrentiy Beria, issued a decree about setting up a new forcedlabour<br />
camp system for prisoners of war and foreign internees. The new camp system, called the<br />
Directorate for the Affairs of Prisoners of War and Internees of the Commissariat for the Interior, was<br />
referred to in Soviet documents as UPVI (Upravlenyija Voennoplennih i Internirovannih). According to<br />
Soviet sources, 380–390 thousand people were deported from the Eastern European territories annexed<br />
between 1939 and 1941 to the inner territories of the Soviet Union. However, some Polish historians<br />
say that nearly one million people, mainly civilians were deported from Polish territories alone. 1 The<br />
fact that the camp system was set up in an early phase of the war shows that the Soviet leadership did<br />
not differentiate between civilians and soldiers, and that the war served the purpose of supplying Soviet<br />
work-force demands as well as expanding the Communist regime.<br />
In addition, the combining of forced labour with reparation claims derived from the Soviet system.<br />
During British Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden’s visit to Moscow in December 1941, Stalin already<br />
was making clear to the British delegation that, after the war, the Soviet Union would claim not only<br />
1<br />
See for instance: Z. S. Siemaszko, W sowieckim osaczeniu, London 1991; W. Wielhorski, Los Polakow w Niewoli Sowieckiej, London<br />
1956; K. Sword, Deportation and Exile. Poles in the Soviet Union 1939–1948, MacMillan, London 1994.<br />
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