Fundamentalism and the Sikh Religious Tradition by T.N. Madan
Fundamentalism and the Sikh Religious Tradition by T.N. Madan
Fundamentalism and the Sikh Religious Tradition by T.N. Madan
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objectionable, had similar criticism been levelled against o<strong>the</strong>r religious traditions as<br />
well. "<br />
It is incorrect that it is <strong>the</strong> conflict of world views that has led to <strong>the</strong> Bluestar<br />
attack. Indian Secularism has never been Secularism of <strong>the</strong> type understood in <strong>the</strong> West.<br />
Second, in operation, it has many a time been only an expression of Hindu orthodoxy.<br />
Third, so far as <strong>the</strong> combination of religion <strong>and</strong> politics <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> execution of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Sikh</strong><br />
Morchas from <strong>the</strong> precincts of <strong>the</strong> Golden Temple arc concerned, <strong>the</strong>se were never<br />
objected to ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>by</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mahatma, or, later after Independence, at <strong>the</strong> time of Punjabi<br />
Suba agitation or during <strong>the</strong> Emergency imposed <strong>by</strong> Indira G<strong>and</strong>hi. And, as to <strong>the</strong> issues<br />
for which <strong>the</strong> Akali Party, struggled, those were purely socio-political, being <strong>the</strong> result of<br />
uncalled for <strong>and</strong> unconstitutional, but overt discrimination made <strong>by</strong> <strong>the</strong> State against <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Sikh</strong> community.<br />
At times <strong>Madan</strong> asserts what suits his argument, howsover, irrational, it may be.<br />
Punjabi language st<strong>and</strong>s recognized as one of <strong>the</strong> fourteen languages in <strong>the</strong> Indian<br />
Constitution. And, yet, he cannot conceal his bias, when he says that "<strong>the</strong> argument<br />
(about necessary secular basis of language) has not entirely been convincing, although<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Sikh</strong> holy book is written in Gurmukhi." For him, Punjabi is hardly a language <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> dem<strong>and</strong> for a Punjabi-speaking state was not justified, although he is well aware that<br />
everywhere else <strong>the</strong> division of India had been made on <strong>the</strong> linguistic basis. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
h<strong>and</strong>, he has hardly a word of condemnation, when almost <strong>the</strong> entire Hindu community in<br />
Punjab collectively resorts to making false public statements about <strong>the</strong>ir mo<strong>the</strong>rtongue.<br />
Instead of being critical of such public conduct, he appears quite unconcerned except for<br />
saying that <strong>the</strong>re is considerable truth in it. Minority positions being what <strong>the</strong>y are <strong>the</strong><br />
world over, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Sikh</strong>s have never denied that a Punjabi Suba will give <strong>the</strong>m a sense of<br />
security. But, <strong>the</strong> studied effort of <strong>the</strong> Centre to deny it, <strong>the</strong> Punjabi Hindus' making an<br />
exhibition of public misconduct, <strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong>reafter, <strong>the</strong> Centre's taking it as <strong>the</strong> truthful basis<br />
of <strong>the</strong> division of Punjab, could not but alarm <strong>the</strong> <strong>Sikh</strong>s about <strong>the</strong> euphemistic Secularism<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Centre.<br />
It is also incorrect for <strong>Madan</strong> to say that in 1981 at <strong>the</strong> <strong>Sikh</strong> Educational<br />
Conference <strong>the</strong> call for Khalistan was given. In fact, even till June, 1984 <strong>the</strong>re was never<br />
any idea of Khalistan in any political group or party, not even in <strong>the</strong> case of<br />
Bhindranwala or <strong>the</strong> <strong>Sikh</strong> Students Federation. This is evident from <strong>the</strong> statements both<br />
of Nayyar <strong>and</strong> Ravi about <strong>the</strong>ir talks with Bhindranwala in May, 1984, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> statement<br />
of Rajiv G<strong>and</strong>hi.<br />
Again, on <strong>the</strong> one h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>Madan</strong> says that <strong>the</strong> Tenth Master invested <strong>the</strong> Guru<br />
Granth with Guruship. Later, he says that Guruship of Guru Granth is an evolutionary<br />
growth. Nor has <strong>Madan</strong>'s statement that <strong>the</strong> text of <strong>the</strong> Guru Granth was finalised in<br />
1962, any factual basis. It is a historical fact that in early 18th century, <strong>the</strong> dispute<br />
between <strong>the</strong> B<strong>and</strong>ai Khalsa <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tatt Khalsa was resolved following <strong>the</strong> hukm (hymn)<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Guru Granth. Similarly, <strong>Madan</strong> concedes that <strong>the</strong> entry of some <strong>Sikh</strong>s (Mazhbis)<br />
to <strong>the</strong> Golden Temple was decided following a hymn from <strong>the</strong> Guru Granth Sahib. In<br />
both <strong>the</strong> cases it was <strong>the</strong> meanings of <strong>the</strong> hymns that prevailed <strong>and</strong> not <strong>the</strong> symbols.<br />
Hence <strong>the</strong> incongruity of <strong>Madan</strong>'s statements that Guru Granth is a classic example of<br />
supremacy of symbol over substance. We have explained that unlike as in <strong>the</strong> Vedic<br />
religion, where only <strong>the</strong> meticulous performance of <strong>the</strong> ritual or repetition of <strong>the</strong> mystic