Fundamentalism and the Sikh Religious Tradition by T.N. Madan
Fundamentalism and the Sikh Religious Tradition by T.N. Madan
Fundamentalism and the Sikh Religious Tradition by T.N. Madan
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Maya (Multifarious things <strong>and</strong> beings), <strong>and</strong> fourth, <strong>the</strong> next higher stage of <strong>the</strong> Gurmukh<br />
who lives truthfully." In fact, <strong>the</strong> recommendation is for a continuous moral effort. It is<br />
wrong to say that Guru Nanak recommended only listening to <strong>the</strong> holy word. In fact, no<br />
one emphasizes <strong>the</strong> importance of 'deed' more than does Guru Nanak who says that man's<br />
assessment shall be based on his deeds, "truthful conduct is <strong>the</strong> highest form of living,'<br />
<strong>and</strong> that one remains near or away from God according as is <strong>the</strong> character of one's deeds."<br />
The problem Secularism has created, is that having discarded <strong>the</strong> internal brakes<br />
that religion gave lo society, it has been unable to devise <strong>and</strong> instil in man any rational<br />
ethics that could create cohesion in a society. The factual position is that despite <strong>the</strong><br />
warning <strong>the</strong> authors of Limits of Growth, gave a quarter century back, <strong>the</strong> gap between<br />
<strong>the</strong> rich <strong>and</strong> poor of a country, <strong>and</strong> between <strong>the</strong> developed <strong>and</strong> undeveloped countries,<br />
has grown at an alarming rate. The present thinking seems to involve "<strong>the</strong> annihilation of<br />
mythology, religion, all value system, all hope." The problem appears to be not of any<br />
seeming fundamentalism, but of Secularism, <strong>and</strong> its inability to create a commitment of<br />
<strong>the</strong> people to a rational ethics, much less to a univresal ethics.<br />
Pacificism <strong>and</strong> Indian Context : Here a few words about pacificism, <strong>and</strong> its<br />
ethical base or value. The present century has known for two great pacificists, namely,<br />
Bertr<strong>and</strong> Russell in <strong>the</strong> field of thought, <strong>and</strong> Mahatma G<strong>and</strong>hi in <strong>the</strong> field of religious<br />
conviction. During <strong>the</strong> First World War, Russell faced imprisonment; but after <strong>the</strong><br />
Second World War <strong>the</strong> same pacificist Russell suggested that in order to avoid <strong>the</strong><br />
appalling disaster of a Russian Victory, a threat of force or even actual use of force<br />
should be employed against <strong>the</strong> USSR, before it could develop a big stock pile of atom<br />
bombs <strong>and</strong> became a threat to <strong>the</strong> West. To an outsider, <strong>the</strong> moral difference between a<br />
pacificist Russell, who recommended a strike against Russia, <strong>and</strong> a Ronald Reagan who<br />
called it an 'evil empire', is hardly visible.<br />
Next is <strong>the</strong> question of Mahatma's combining religion <strong>and</strong> politics, <strong>and</strong> his<br />
pacificism. Combination between <strong>the</strong> two was always practised <strong>by</strong> Mahatma G<strong>and</strong>hi. His<br />
incongruities in this regard, are too obvious to be ignored. He endorsed <strong>the</strong> st<strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong><br />
Akalis, whom <strong>Madan</strong> calls Fundamentalists, when <strong>the</strong>y freed <strong>the</strong>ir gurdwaras from <strong>the</strong><br />
control of Government patronised Mahants. Yet, he was inexplicably upset, when <strong>the</strong><br />
Akalis started <strong>the</strong> Jaitu morcha, although he himself wanted <strong>the</strong> Akalis to join his<br />
political movement against <strong>the</strong> British, whom <strong>the</strong> Akalis had confronted at Jaitu. And<br />
again, when it suited him, he joined <strong>the</strong> Khilafat Movement, which was politically extraterritorial.<br />
We have noted how he introduced Hindu ideology in <strong>the</strong> Congress, which was<br />
turned lo looking back to <strong>the</strong> Hindu past.<br />
He recommended pacificism to <strong>the</strong> British, when faced with an impending attack<br />
from Hitler's Germany. Seervai, <strong>the</strong> unparalleled Constitutional lawyer of India, has<br />
made a detailed analysis of <strong>the</strong>se facts <strong>and</strong> events, <strong>and</strong> come to <strong>the</strong> conclusion that<br />
Mahatma's faith in non-violence was just superficial, far from being serious. He writes,<br />
"There is little doubt that G<strong>and</strong>hi used non-violence as a political weapon, <strong>and</strong> was<br />
prepared to support or connive at violence to secure political goals. Anyway, it is well<br />
known that later he not only promised to promote <strong>the</strong> war effort, if India were given<br />
autonomy, but also blessed <strong>the</strong> dispatch of Indian Army to Kashmir in 1947. Abul Kalam<br />
Azad's views about Indian <strong>and</strong> Mahatma's pacificism are not very different.<br />
The Mahatma stressed that Pakistan would be created on his dead body, <strong>and</strong> yet<br />
it left Abdul Ghaffar Khan aghast, when G<strong>and</strong>hi supported <strong>the</strong> Congress Resolution