Preventive Resettlement of Populations at Risk of Disaster - GFDRR
Preventive Resettlement of Populations at Risk of Disaster - GFDRR
Preventive Resettlement of Populations at Risk of Disaster - GFDRR
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as in São Paulo and Bogotá, this expedites the resettlement.<br />
In Argentina, Colombia and Gu<strong>at</strong>emala, the new houses<br />
were designed to allow for gradual expansion, based on<br />
each family’s needs and resources.<br />
The Colombian example was particularly interesting. As<br />
mentioned above, families received legal, technical and<br />
social services to help them select new or pre-existing<br />
houses on the market. Another interesting option was<br />
developing partnerships between the entities in charge<br />
<strong>of</strong> the program and priv<strong>at</strong>e construction companies,<br />
since the existence <strong>of</strong> an assured market is a strong incentive<br />
for firms to develop housing projects.<br />
Another interesting option was the “chess game” (Brazil)<br />
th<strong>at</strong> helped families which did not want to leave their<br />
neighborhoods. Under the plan, they exchanged the<br />
houses they were <strong>of</strong>fered in the resettlement program<br />
for ones owned by other families which were loc<strong>at</strong>ed in<br />
the same (original) neighborhood but where the sites<br />
were not <strong>at</strong>-risk. This cre<strong>at</strong>ed a win-win solution for the<br />
particip<strong>at</strong>ing families and helped expedite resettlement.<br />
Of all the options, perhaps the most noteworthy was<br />
the self-construction and mutual assistance arrangement<br />
(Argentina). The magnitude <strong>of</strong> the program, its<br />
broad geographical scope (in a large country), the particip<strong>at</strong>ion<br />
<strong>of</strong> different levels <strong>of</strong> government and entities,<br />
and its major achievements dispel the myth th<strong>at</strong> selfconstruction<br />
is inefficient or impossible; it also proved<br />
th<strong>at</strong> women could particip<strong>at</strong>e on an equal footing with<br />
men. This option had compar<strong>at</strong>ive advantages in terms<br />
<strong>of</strong> costs, community particip<strong>at</strong>ion and secondary benefits.<br />
For example, various external evalu<strong>at</strong>ions found<br />
the popul<strong>at</strong>ion’s self-esteem increased, along with high<br />
levels <strong>of</strong> “ownership,” which prompted gre<strong>at</strong>er care and<br />
maintenance <strong>of</strong> the properties. It also trained many<br />
people in house construction, thus strengthening human<br />
capital (regardless <strong>of</strong> gender) and enhancing the<br />
community’s entrepreneurial skills, which in turn, increased<br />
their job opportunities. Moreover, the program<br />
promoted community solidarity and cooper<strong>at</strong>ion,<br />
helped reduce the cost <strong>of</strong> houses and gener<strong>at</strong>ed savings<br />
the residents l<strong>at</strong>er used to construct community facilities.<br />
Another lesson is th<strong>at</strong> self-construction does not<br />
mean leaving communities to their own devices; r<strong>at</strong>her,<br />
it requires well-planned technical and social assistance<br />
and the timely delivery <strong>of</strong> m<strong>at</strong>erials.<br />
With regard to the practice <strong>of</strong> reloc<strong>at</strong>ing households in<br />
buildings within large housing complexes (Brazil), the<br />
independent evalu<strong>at</strong>ion recommended avoiding such<br />
solutions and focusing instead on smaller complexes<br />
th<strong>at</strong> are better suited to fostering harmonious community<br />
rel<strong>at</strong>ions. Another lesson from Brazil’s experience—already<br />
encountered in numerous resettlement<br />
programs elsewhere—is th<strong>at</strong> cash compens<strong>at</strong>ion is not<br />
an appropri<strong>at</strong>e solution and cre<strong>at</strong>es problems for both<br />
the families and cities. For example, in the initial phase<br />
<strong>of</strong> the program, the families th<strong>at</strong> received cash compens<strong>at</strong>ion<br />
without any assistance, returned to areas unsuitable<br />
for human settlements.<br />
In addition to the inform<strong>at</strong>ion already obtained from<br />
the studies, compar<strong>at</strong>ive cost-benefit analysis reviews<br />
are needed to better understand the advantages and disadvantages<br />
<strong>of</strong> each housing solution.<br />
7. Payment for Housing<br />
Solutions<br />
Because the families involved in all the cases were extremely<br />
poor, the governments had to subsidize housing<br />
costs. In Argentina, families contributed their labor and<br />
received free construction m<strong>at</strong>erials and technical assistance.<br />
In Gu<strong>at</strong>emala, they received their new houses free<br />
<strong>of</strong> charge. In Brazil, families th<strong>at</strong> were resettled in housing<br />
complexes assumed 10% <strong>of</strong> the cost <strong>of</strong> their new<br />
houses by obtaining government subsidized long-term<br />
loans. In Colombia, families initially received a partial<br />
subsidy and had to pay part <strong>of</strong> the costs; however, Bogotá<br />
authorities l<strong>at</strong>er decided to subsidize all the costs.<br />
Despite the cases show different arrangements regarding<br />
payment for the new houses, due to a lack <strong>of</strong> compar<strong>at</strong>ive<br />
evalu<strong>at</strong>ions, it is impossible to draw firm conclusions<br />
about the best payment arrangements. This<br />
aspect should be studied further.<br />
8. Legal Titles to the Houses<br />
In all the cases, families were given deeds to their houses,<br />
which had a significant impact on their net worth<br />
Chapter 7 Compar<strong>at</strong>ive Analysis <strong>of</strong> the Case Studies<br />
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