Preventive Resettlement of Populations at Risk of Disaster - GFDRR
Preventive Resettlement of Populations at Risk of Disaster - GFDRR
Preventive Resettlement of Populations at Risk of Disaster - GFDRR
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Chapter 7<br />
Compar<strong>at</strong>ive Analysis <strong>of</strong> the Case Studies<br />
By Sergio Carmona and Elena Correa<br />
This chapter presents a compar<strong>at</strong>ive analysis and<br />
the main conclusions from the cases studied in<br />
the earlier chapters. It is expected th<strong>at</strong> the lessons<br />
learned in these experiences could be useful to<br />
guide other resettlement programs designed to reduce<br />
the risk <strong>of</strong> disasters.<br />
1. Urbaniz<strong>at</strong>ion, <strong>Risk</strong> and<br />
Vulnerability<br />
One conclusion involves the factors th<strong>at</strong> give rise to human<br />
settlements in high-risk areas. In Argentina, Brazil<br />
and Colombia, rapid urbaniz<strong>at</strong>ion without proper land<br />
use planning, policies to provide housing for the poor<br />
and supervision <strong>of</strong> settlements in <strong>at</strong>-risk areas, led lowincome<br />
and marginalized segments <strong>of</strong> the popul<strong>at</strong>ion to<br />
build houses in prone risk areas.<br />
Poor people settle in areas th<strong>at</strong> are either <strong>at</strong>-risk or unsuitable<br />
for human settlement because they have no<br />
other options. For example, in Gu<strong>at</strong>emala, when the<br />
most appropri<strong>at</strong>e area for resettlement after the devast<strong>at</strong>ion<br />
from Tropical Storm Stan was selected, it was<br />
the one traditionally occupied by the Mayans until they<br />
were forcibly removed during the Spanish conquest and<br />
colonial period.<br />
In addition, human settlements in <strong>at</strong>-risk areas exacerb<strong>at</strong>e<br />
exposure to hazards and their impacts because <strong>of</strong><br />
the lack <strong>of</strong> basic infrastructure, which, even when it exists,<br />
is built by settlers without construction standards<br />
or technical assistance. Th<strong>at</strong> was evident in Brazil and<br />
Colombia. For example, in São Paulo, when families living<br />
on the banks <strong>of</strong> streams discharged wastew<strong>at</strong>er and<br />
solid waste into the w<strong>at</strong>erways, this caused sediment<strong>at</strong>ion<br />
and increased the likelihood <strong>of</strong> flooding. In Colombia,<br />
when settlers excav<strong>at</strong>ed land on slopes to build<br />
houses and roads, discharged wastew<strong>at</strong>er, and deforested<br />
the Andean forest, these activities contributed to<br />
erosion and landslides—confirmed by a study commissioned<br />
by the Capital District <strong>of</strong> Bogotá, as part <strong>of</strong> its<br />
plan to rehabilit<strong>at</strong>e the high-risk areas.<br />
Poverty is another factor th<strong>at</strong> intensifies the marginal<br />
popul<strong>at</strong>ions’ vulnerability to risks. In all the cases, the<br />
popul<strong>at</strong>ion was <strong>at</strong> or bene<strong>at</strong>h the poverty line, which<br />
made them doubly vulnerable, as they could not s<strong>at</strong>isfy<br />
basic needs and confront emergencies.<br />
In many cases, these settlements are considered “illegal”<br />
because they do not comply with urban development<br />
regul<strong>at</strong>ions and families lack the legal titles requested<br />
by governmental agencies to build basic infrastructure.<br />
This cre<strong>at</strong>es a vicious circle with severe consequences<br />
for these groups and the city as a whole. Some efforts<br />
are underway to break th<strong>at</strong> p<strong>at</strong>tern through programs<br />
such as São Paulo’s “urbaniz<strong>at</strong>ion <strong>of</strong> favelas” and Bogotá’s<br />
comprehensive slum upgrading program. They involve<br />
(a) providing legal titles to land where there are no hazards,<br />
(b) identifying <strong>at</strong>-risk zones, (c) establishing mitig<strong>at</strong>ion<br />
measures, including resettlement, if exposure to<br />
the risk cannot be otherwise reduced, and (d) improving<br />
urban infrastructure—all <strong>of</strong> which integr<strong>at</strong>e these<br />
settlements with the formal city.<br />
Lessons from the cases indic<strong>at</strong>e the importance <strong>of</strong> landuse<br />
planning and strengthening institutions—to make<br />
the planning possible, as well as developing inclusion<br />
policies for the poor, so they, too, can access adequ<strong>at</strong>e,<br />
safe houses. This lesson is especially pertinent given<br />
the rapid urbaniz<strong>at</strong>ion growth. By 2007, half the world’s<br />
popul<strong>at</strong>ion lived in cities (UN-Habit<strong>at</strong>, 2007). And,<br />
while the urban popul<strong>at</strong>ion is expected to increase from<br />
0.8 billion to one billion from 2010-2050 in developed<br />
countries, the number is expected to soar in developing<br />
countries, from 2.7 billion to 5.4 billion. 1 If such<br />
1<br />
See World Popul<strong>at</strong>ion Prospects: The 2006 Revision; World Urbaniz<strong>at</strong>ion Prospects: The 2007 Revision.<br />
Chapter 7 Compar<strong>at</strong>ive Analysis <strong>of</strong> the Case Studies<br />
107