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Preventive Resettlement of Populations at Risk of Disaster - GFDRR

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Chapter 7<br />

Compar<strong>at</strong>ive Analysis <strong>of</strong> the Case Studies<br />

By Sergio Carmona and Elena Correa<br />

This chapter presents a compar<strong>at</strong>ive analysis and<br />

the main conclusions from the cases studied in<br />

the earlier chapters. It is expected th<strong>at</strong> the lessons<br />

learned in these experiences could be useful to<br />

guide other resettlement programs designed to reduce<br />

the risk <strong>of</strong> disasters.<br />

1. Urbaniz<strong>at</strong>ion, <strong>Risk</strong> and<br />

Vulnerability<br />

One conclusion involves the factors th<strong>at</strong> give rise to human<br />

settlements in high-risk areas. In Argentina, Brazil<br />

and Colombia, rapid urbaniz<strong>at</strong>ion without proper land<br />

use planning, policies to provide housing for the poor<br />

and supervision <strong>of</strong> settlements in <strong>at</strong>-risk areas, led lowincome<br />

and marginalized segments <strong>of</strong> the popul<strong>at</strong>ion to<br />

build houses in prone risk areas.<br />

Poor people settle in areas th<strong>at</strong> are either <strong>at</strong>-risk or unsuitable<br />

for human settlement because they have no<br />

other options. For example, in Gu<strong>at</strong>emala, when the<br />

most appropri<strong>at</strong>e area for resettlement after the devast<strong>at</strong>ion<br />

from Tropical Storm Stan was selected, it was<br />

the one traditionally occupied by the Mayans until they<br />

were forcibly removed during the Spanish conquest and<br />

colonial period.<br />

In addition, human settlements in <strong>at</strong>-risk areas exacerb<strong>at</strong>e<br />

exposure to hazards and their impacts because <strong>of</strong><br />

the lack <strong>of</strong> basic infrastructure, which, even when it exists,<br />

is built by settlers without construction standards<br />

or technical assistance. Th<strong>at</strong> was evident in Brazil and<br />

Colombia. For example, in São Paulo, when families living<br />

on the banks <strong>of</strong> streams discharged wastew<strong>at</strong>er and<br />

solid waste into the w<strong>at</strong>erways, this caused sediment<strong>at</strong>ion<br />

and increased the likelihood <strong>of</strong> flooding. In Colombia,<br />

when settlers excav<strong>at</strong>ed land on slopes to build<br />

houses and roads, discharged wastew<strong>at</strong>er, and deforested<br />

the Andean forest, these activities contributed to<br />

erosion and landslides—confirmed by a study commissioned<br />

by the Capital District <strong>of</strong> Bogotá, as part <strong>of</strong> its<br />

plan to rehabilit<strong>at</strong>e the high-risk areas.<br />

Poverty is another factor th<strong>at</strong> intensifies the marginal<br />

popul<strong>at</strong>ions’ vulnerability to risks. In all the cases, the<br />

popul<strong>at</strong>ion was <strong>at</strong> or bene<strong>at</strong>h the poverty line, which<br />

made them doubly vulnerable, as they could not s<strong>at</strong>isfy<br />

basic needs and confront emergencies.<br />

In many cases, these settlements are considered “illegal”<br />

because they do not comply with urban development<br />

regul<strong>at</strong>ions and families lack the legal titles requested<br />

by governmental agencies to build basic infrastructure.<br />

This cre<strong>at</strong>es a vicious circle with severe consequences<br />

for these groups and the city as a whole. Some efforts<br />

are underway to break th<strong>at</strong> p<strong>at</strong>tern through programs<br />

such as São Paulo’s “urbaniz<strong>at</strong>ion <strong>of</strong> favelas” and Bogotá’s<br />

comprehensive slum upgrading program. They involve<br />

(a) providing legal titles to land where there are no hazards,<br />

(b) identifying <strong>at</strong>-risk zones, (c) establishing mitig<strong>at</strong>ion<br />

measures, including resettlement, if exposure to<br />

the risk cannot be otherwise reduced, and (d) improving<br />

urban infrastructure—all <strong>of</strong> which integr<strong>at</strong>e these<br />

settlements with the formal city.<br />

Lessons from the cases indic<strong>at</strong>e the importance <strong>of</strong> landuse<br />

planning and strengthening institutions—to make<br />

the planning possible, as well as developing inclusion<br />

policies for the poor, so they, too, can access adequ<strong>at</strong>e,<br />

safe houses. This lesson is especially pertinent given<br />

the rapid urbaniz<strong>at</strong>ion growth. By 2007, half the world’s<br />

popul<strong>at</strong>ion lived in cities (UN-Habit<strong>at</strong>, 2007). And,<br />

while the urban popul<strong>at</strong>ion is expected to increase from<br />

0.8 billion to one billion from 2010-2050 in developed<br />

countries, the number is expected to soar in developing<br />

countries, from 2.7 billion to 5.4 billion. 1 If such<br />

1<br />

See World Popul<strong>at</strong>ion Prospects: The 2006 Revision; World Urbaniz<strong>at</strong>ion Prospects: The 2007 Revision.<br />

Chapter 7 Compar<strong>at</strong>ive Analysis <strong>of</strong> the Case Studies<br />

107

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