Preventive Resettlement of Populations at Risk of Disaster - GFDRR

tion Commission consisting of the leaders of the different
groups—the reconstruction manager, municipality,
several guest NGOs, government institutions,
and some families who were not in shelters but would
have to be resettled since the area was declared uninhabitable.
Thus, the original resettlement scheme also
became a preventive program for families at high risk,
and the total number of households increased from
230 to 915.
Several meetings were held to review different proposals
for resettlement sites. However, all were rejected
by community representatives and the Reconstruction
Commission because “the Tz’utujil indigenous people
were born, had grown, and wished to die on its land”
and would not leave their region. Thus, they asked the
Government to look for resettlement land that was safe
and located in their area and with their participation. As
a result, a Land Procurement Commission was created,
whose criteria for selecting alternative sites were partly
shaped by a review of urban development trends, so as
to find land that was likely to be earmarked for housing
with easy access to well maintained roads, services,
urban facilities and proximity to the municipal administrative
center. The sites also had to be geographically
strategic and not exposed to natural hazards. The Commission
attempted to coordinate the effort with Santiago
Atitlán’s housing plans for that sector.
The search for land became complicated because the
area CONRED defined as safe consisted of micro-lots
whose owners claimed to have occupied them for several
generations but had no deeds, and the entity created
for the reconstruction could not purchase land without
formal legal titles. Moreover, many of the smallholders
were either not interested in selling or asked prices five
to 10 times higher than the cost authorized by the Real
Estate Cadastre and Assessment Directorate (DICABI),
which made it impossible to buy them.
Thus, a special land acquisition mechanism was established,
consisting of the municipality, the National Fund
for Peace, and community representatives to ensure
transparency and fair prices, as well as the legitimacy of
property rights.
To obtain the lots, an agreement was signed by the municipality
and National Fund for Peace (FONAPAZ),
under which the latter transferred US$1 million for direct
purchases of land.
Once lots were identified, the Land Procurement Commission
negotiated with the owners to purchase and
then legalize the lots. The process of purchasing land
from 70 smallholders lasted eight months. Given the location
of the sites, it created a veritable jigsaw puzzle of
lots. When half the land required was purchased, talks
began with the community on a suitable type of urban
development.
14. The Chuk Muk Resettlement:
A Heritage Recovered
The site selected for the new Tz’utujil city—known as
Chuck Muck—was especially significant, since it was
where the Mayan ancestors lived before the Spanish conquest.
This was confirmed by the discovery of Tz’utujil
dwellings from the 11th century, creating a deeper sense
of cultural identity and heritage (Figure 6.3)
Figure 6.3. The Chuk Muk Resettlement Site
15. Environmental impact Study
of the New Site
The municipality and Office of the Reconstruction
Manager, with the consent of the Santiago Atitlán Reconstruction
Commission, commissioned the Guillermo
Toriello Foundation to do an environmental impact
study of the new site. The report was shown to various
institutions participating in the Chuk Muk resettlement
100 Preventive Resettlement of Populations at Risk of Disaster: Experiences from Latin America