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KYRGYZSTAN TODAY Policy briefs on - Department of Geography

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New Middle Classes<br />

Classes are antag<strong>on</strong>istic groups that struggle for access to resources. There are redistributive<br />

qualities to class struggle, in which the end game is the re-drawing <strong>of</strong> power and<br />

resource allocati<strong>on</strong>, wealth, as well as various kinds <strong>of</strong> legitimacies. The classic divisi<strong>on</strong> is<br />

between capitalists and labourers. The phenomen<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the “Middle Class” is, in itself, a sort<br />

<strong>of</strong> a mediati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the class struggle and creati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> an intermediary between antag<strong>on</strong>istic<br />

classes struggling for access and c<strong>on</strong>trol <strong>of</strong> resources and means <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong>. This is <strong>on</strong>e<br />

<strong>of</strong> the most effective tools in the modern world’s successful ec<strong>on</strong>omies to keep stability<br />

in society. Indeed, the internal migrants in Bishkek have been able to become integrated<br />

into the ec<strong>on</strong>omy and society <strong>of</strong> the capital city through their initial mobilisati<strong>on</strong> into<br />

social movement (such as “Ashar”, the land squatters’ movement), and gradual creati<strong>on</strong><br />

<strong>of</strong> livelihood systems and strategies <strong>of</strong> surviving and being resourceful in the ec<strong>on</strong>omy<br />

<strong>of</strong> the city. Their identity and class c<strong>on</strong>sciousnesses have developed since 1989, when a<br />

peaceful revoluti<strong>on</strong> took place, which was followed by a decade <strong>of</strong> societal transformati<strong>on</strong><br />

from a command ec<strong>on</strong>omy to an open market. However, internal migrants, especially<br />

those who reside in k<strong>on</strong>ushtar, are <strong>of</strong>ten the targets <strong>of</strong> political manipulati<strong>on</strong>. As a group,<br />

the migrants represent a mighty force and also, if mobilised for collective acti<strong>on</strong>, a source<br />

<strong>of</strong> political threat to status quo (Jeenbaeva, 2003).<br />

In c<strong>on</strong>temporary Bishkek, class struggle is no l<strong>on</strong>ger about seizing or destroying<br />

power and wealth; it is about the use <strong>of</strong> force (i.e., uprising, protest) for political<br />

development and negotiati<strong>on</strong>s for a share <strong>of</strong> decisi<strong>on</strong>-making and resource allocati<strong>on</strong>.<br />

The transformati<strong>on</strong> “<strong>of</strong> coerci<strong>on</strong> from a means <strong>of</strong> predati<strong>on</strong> into a productive resource<br />

<strong>of</strong> safeguarding, promoting and, possibly, distributing wealth” was proposed by the<br />

neo-liberal market-orientated discussi<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> Robert Bates (2001) <strong>on</strong> development in<br />

poor countries. This process seems to be the tool <strong>of</strong> the New Middle Classes in Bishkek.<br />

Thus, acceptance <strong>of</strong> a middle class c<strong>on</strong>sciousness by internal migrants is vital for urban<br />

stability.<br />

The government <strong>of</strong> President Akaev planned to create and support the formati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />

a social group similar to the bourgeoisie <strong>of</strong> the rich western countries (Rashid, 1998); this<br />

remains the implicit premise <strong>of</strong> the current government <strong>of</strong> President Bakiev. The idea that<br />

ec<strong>on</strong>omic growth is closely linked to Kyrgyzstan’s entrepreneurs has been discussed by<br />

both leaders time and again through legislati<strong>on</strong>, nati<strong>on</strong>al strategy development, and over<br />

internati<strong>on</strong>al tribunes. At the same time, several generati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> young people have been<br />

trained through Western university and degree programmes in management, ec<strong>on</strong>omics,<br />

and other disciplines. This has inevitably resulted in the formati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> a bourgeois<br />

c<strong>on</strong>sciousness am<strong>on</strong>g elites, which is matched from below by mass entrepreneurial<br />

initiatives. Dialectically, rural migrants are <strong>of</strong>ten low-income people with bourgeois<br />

aspirati<strong>on</strong>s (a phrase coined by Perlman [1976] for communities in Latin America). They<br />

have the potential to become an urban middle class: a group <strong>of</strong> people with stable income,<br />

regular and sustained c<strong>on</strong>sumpti<strong>on</strong>, and interest in preserving the status quo – this is<br />

the class that generates stability in society. It is not completely improbable that such a<br />

bourgeoisie will be formed, for better or for worse. It has already become clear that internal<br />

migrants to Bishkek represent both active entrepreneurs in producing goods and services,<br />

as well as c<strong>on</strong>sumers <strong>of</strong> goods and services, bringing “Fordist” capitalism to the country.<br />

C<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong>s and Recommendati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

Percepti<strong>on</strong> shifts from “dependent” attitudes towards class c<strong>on</strong>sciousness. Today’s<br />

Bishkek is experiencing a str<strong>on</strong>g drive by n<strong>on</strong>-governmental and business collectives<br />

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