KYRGYZSTAN TODAY Policy briefs on - Department of Geography

customs were not observed very strictly. Thus, a majority of the modern population of
Uzbekistan is under the makhalla system.
The modern makhalla in Uzbekistan is an object of close attention and examination
[13]. In particular, it is caused by the fact that nowadays makhalla plays an important
role in the domestic policy and ideology of the Uzbek state, which through the makhalla
system tries to influence public opinion and public thinking, effect reforms, influence
family and social relationships, including the status of women. One more reason for
close relationships between the state and makhalla committees is the desire of the state
to both exercise control over religious emotions in the society, and prevent oppositional
groups emerging through makhalla.
The Uzbek makhalla is a traditional social micro institution, based on an environment
of self-governance, collectivism and subordination. Makhalla members are subject to
strictly regulated and ritualized norms and principles of existence, violation of which leads
to public sanctions. A considerable proportion of those rules and regulations regulate
women, their status in the family, behavior in public places, rights and responsibilities
with regard to children and men. Specifically, its social micro environment is one of
the main institutions of reproduction of mass ideas about Islam and also the routine
practices connected with Moslem dogma.
In the works of such famous Soviet era authors as S.P. Polyakov and G.P. Snesarev
[5; 6; 7], religious and community ritual rites in Central Asia, in particular the territory
of Uzbekistan, were studied directly in connection with religious practices of women’s
ritual. The same approach is seen in the works of modern researchers Kandioti D. and
Azimova N., Fatkhi H., Кamp М. [8; 9; 11; 12]. In those works, the convenience and
efficiency of a study of various aspects of religiosity in Central Asian society is highlighted
as a generally-recognized fact, using as examples women’s status and women’s identity.
This is frequently justified by a special readiness among women to accept Islam. The
historical roots of the phenomenon are connected with the fact that for centuries, as the
custodians of home and family, women were to a larger extent engaged in practicing
various religious rituals, various beliefs and cults.
A social survey conducted by the Union of Young Scientists of Uzbekistan in 2004
demonstrated that this arrangement remains in force in modern times 1 . In the responses of
many survey participants asked to characterize the religious beliefs of youth, religiousness
among women was reported very strongly. In respond to the question “What assistance
would you render to a dear-to-you person when he/she is in a difficult situation?” 33
percent of female respondents answered “We would appeal to God for assistance” and
of those asked to suggest the characteristics of a religious person, 51 percent selected the
answer “patience.” At the same time, male respondents: 25 percent, answered the same
for the first question and 41 percent to the second question. In response to the question
“What or whom do you need when you are in a bad mood?” More than 60 percent of
women responded “God”, while 50 rcent of men responded in the same way. This leads
to the conclusion that, under equal political conditions, women are traditionally more
religious than men, i.e. think more about God and religion.
Analysis of respondents’ answers also demonstrated that women who know
which mazkhab (religious legal school) they belong to are numerous than men, though
this ratio for men is also relatively low (47 percent among men and 39 percent among
1
700 students from different higher educational establishments of Uzbekistan participated in the
survey, 50 percent of respondents were female students.
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