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Secularization as Kenosis

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212 | postmodern condition and secularity<br />

challenges of postmodernism. 180 This turn to communism is comparable to his conversion<br />

to Christianity, of which he wrote in the essay Belief. To his mind there is a great<br />

deal of similarity between communism and socialism on the one hand and Christianity<br />

on the other, <strong>as</strong> both are radically unnatural projects. 181 In its shared utopian intention,<br />

Vattimo sees the possibility of developing a Christian communism.<br />

If there is such a thing <strong>as</strong> a postmodern politics, it must be the awareness of the end<br />

of meta-narratives. The awareness of unlimited plurality makes postmodernism preeminently<br />

political. 182 For Vattimo this is the central idea of a postmodern politics. 183<br />

Postmodern politics emerges with the disenchantment of utopian ideologies. The great<br />

political ideologies of the twentieth century tried to realize an ideal society. Even when<br />

these political programs were carried out in the name of the good, or the human, they<br />

often lead to horrors on a m<strong>as</strong>sive scale. 184 Postmodern politics attempts to shape a new<br />

European identity. The quest for this identity acquired a new urgency when the Soviet<br />

Union collapsed in 1989. The absence of an ideological counterpart created the need<br />

for more substantial identity. Vattimo detects two trends in this quest for a European<br />

identity. 185<br />

In the first place there is what he calls the Catholic integralist identity. It defines<br />

the essential European identity <strong>as</strong> a Christian identity that stands in radical opposition<br />

to the secular character of modernity. The other position is the secularist position that<br />

defines Europe <strong>as</strong> essentially rooted in Enlightenment rationalism and sees this <strong>as</strong> discontinuous<br />

with the Christian p<strong>as</strong>t. Despite their differences, the two positions agree in<br />

the idea that there is an opposition between secularity and Christianity. Vattimo argues<br />

for a middle position. He neither wants to identify solely with Christian exclusivism,<br />

nor with the idea that secular modernity is independent from its religious p<strong>as</strong>t. Vattimo<br />

holds that modern, secular Europe is essentially a secularization of Christianity. Europe<br />

is the non-religious form of Christianity and it embodies values and practices that originate<br />

in Christianity. Only in the regions where Christianity w<strong>as</strong> once the dominant<br />

religion h<strong>as</strong> secularity flourished. In the discussion on European identity, Vattimo argues<br />

that in the constitution of the European Union, no reference needs to be made to<br />

Christianity. This is not because he would find Christianity of no value to the European<br />

community, but because Europe is itself an embodiment of Christianity. 186 Christianity<br />

should not present itself <strong>as</strong> a fraction, that fights for its c<strong>as</strong>e, rather it is the presupposition<br />

on which a multicultural and multi-religious Europe rests.<br />

Postmodern theory does not simply do away with utopian ide<strong>as</strong>, rather it first of all<br />

criticizes the intertwinedness of utopian politics with a teleological account of history,<br />

or the sacralization of the utopian goal <strong>as</strong> in totalitarian regimes. 187 Instead, in postmod-<br />

180 Gianni Vattimo, Wie werde ich Kommunist (Berlin: Rotbuch Verlag, 2008), 32.<br />

181 Vattimo, Kommunist, 15.<br />

182 “Denn in der Postmoderne wurde die bislang eher latente Pluralität vordringlich und unübersehbar.”<br />

Welsch, Postmoderne Moderne, 242.<br />

183 Gianni Vattimo, ‘The End of (Hi)story’, Chicago Review 35:4 (1986), 20–30.<br />

184 Hans Achterhuis, De erfenis van de utopie (Baarn: Ambo, 1998).<br />

185 Vattimo, After Christianity, 73–4. See also Vattimo, Kommunist, 19. For Milbank on the relevance of<br />

communism for the ideological course of the West see: Milbank, ‘Gift of Ruling’, 232: “Communism . . . gave<br />

the West a binding purpose: oppose the gigantomachy of totalitarian regimes.”<br />

186 “Voor mij moet in de Europese grondwet niet naar het christendom worden verwezen omdat seculariteit<br />

tot het christelijk patrimonium behoort.” France Guwy and Gianni Vattimo, ‘Europa en religie (3):<br />

Gianni Vattimo. Voor een christendom zonder religie’, De Standaard 01/07 (2004).<br />

187 Michael Burleigh, Sacred Causes: Religion and Politics from the European Dictators to Al Qaeda (New

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