3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives 3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
hesitated to violate% Many felt that King's efforts in Albany flopped, and that nonviolent direct action had failed . King did not get the media event for which he had hoped . Meanwhile, Robert Williams had been for+ad to leave the country . On September S, 1961, King received a note from a J.W . Oakley, Sr. editor of~ Centrcville [Alabama] ~, which read, "I see were [sic] that bearded Monr+oe Negro is on the lam . Wishing to hear you were the same."~ As "that bearded Monroe Negro" continued from abroad to enjoin his friends and neighbors to prepare to defend themselves, other Afro-Americans stood up for themselves by asserting their right to self-defense . Unlike Williams, no one publicized or celebrated their cases, and few people outside of their immediate areas would learn of their individual ordeals, but it was these personal moments of courage that inspired activists to continue their struggles, and that served notice to white Southerners that sizable cracks had appeared in the monolith of white supremacy. Other cracks would take longer to appear. For example, self-defense took place within carefully prescribed gender roles . Local black women, such as Williams' wife Mabel, learned how to shoot, but Williams, by his own testimony, "kept them out of most of it." The women volunteered and "wanted to fight," but Williams and his male cadre insisted that they "stand by" in order to "render medical services" and to "help organize ." %Corctta Scott King provides a good synopsis of the Albany movement in her autogiography My Life With Martin Luther King . Jr. rev. ed. (New York : Henry Holt & Co ., 1969), 187-192 . "Oakley, letter to King, September S, 1961, Box 7, I, 47, Martin Luther King Collection, Department of Special Collations, Boston University . 74
The women propared food, and served in the communications grapevine to alert the community of impending throats~" ed for self-defense, too.(!!!] In one of the glaring discrepancies of the struggle for black equality, the men involved in soliciting civil rights reform often ignored the rights of women in their midst. As the movement evolved, this creeping sexism would become more and moro apparont . Self-defense was clearly a man's rosponsibility and duty ; whether it was a woman's right too was less cut-and-dry. Women did not fit into Williams' conception of self-defense as a male prerogative . To him, being a man required resorting to force, if circumstances required it . He did not expect women to rosort to force, particularly when men were willing and able to do so for them . Indeed, his vision of manhood, like other males involved in the movement, seemed to rely on a certain objectified vision of womanhood : virtuous, retiring, and dependent . Women needed men to defend them and men-in osier to be men-needed to defend their women . But, of course, black women had need for self- defense, too . In one of the glaring discrepancies of the swggle for black equality, the men involved in soliciting civil rights reform often ignore the rights of women in their midst. As the movement evolved, this creeping sexism would become more and more apparont . Ironically, it was a woman who came to model Williams' idealized requisites for black manhood . On a sweltering evening in early September 1962, twenty-one-year-old Rebecca Wilson was staying in Georgia at the house of her mother, Kate Philpot, with her 'sWilliams, interviewed by James Mosby, July 22, 1970, transcript, Ralph J. Bunche Oral History Collection (Civil Rights Documentation P~+oject), Moorland-Spingam Research Center, Howard University . 7 5
- Page 45 and 46: and faggot. For example, in 1889, J
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The women propared food, <strong>and</strong> served in the communications grapevine to alert the<br />
community of impending throats~" ed for self-defense, too.(!!!] In one of the glaring<br />
discrepancies of the struggle for black equality, the men involved in soliciting civil rights<br />
reform often ignored the rights of women in their midst. As the movement evolved, this<br />
creeping sexism would become more <strong>and</strong> moro apparont . Self-defense was clearly a<br />
man's rosponsibility <strong>and</strong> duty ; whether it was a woman's right too was less cut-<strong>and</strong>-dry.<br />
Women did not fit into Williams' conception of self-defense as a male<br />
prerogative . To him, being a man required resorting to force, if circumstances required it .<br />
He did not expect women to rosort to force, particularly when men were willing <strong>and</strong> able<br />
to do so for them . Indeed, his vision of manhood, like other males involved in the<br />
movement, seemed to rely on a certain objectified vision of womanhood : virtuous,<br />
retiring, <strong>and</strong> dependent . Women needed men to defend them <strong>and</strong> men-in osier to be<br />
men-needed to defend their women . But, of course, black women had need for self-<br />
defense, too . In one of the glaring discrepancies of the swggle for black equality, the<br />
men involved in soliciting civil rights reform often ignore the rights of women in their<br />
midst. As the movement evolved, this creeping sexism would become more <strong>and</strong> more<br />
apparont .<br />
Ironically, it was a woman who came to model Williams' idealized requisites for<br />
black manhood . On a sweltering evening in early September 1962, twenty-one-year-old<br />
Rebecca Wilson was staying in Georgia at the house of her mother, Kate Philpot, with her<br />
'sWilliams, interviewed by James Mosby, July 22, 1970, transcript, Ralph J. Bunche<br />
Oral History Collection (Civil <strong>Rights</strong> Documentation P~+oject), Moorl<strong>and</strong>-Spingam<br />
Research Center, Howard University .<br />
7 5