3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives

3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives 3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives

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Americans alike in a way that Robert Williams' pronouncements had not. His name was Malcolm X. In the late 1950's, Williams' position had seemed incongruent with prevailing sentiments within the civil rights movement ; however, by the early 1960's, the social and political climate of the South had changed, and Williams' radical ideas did not seem so far-fetched . Activists had been beaten and bloodied, and nonviolence, for many, did not hold the appeal it once had . Younger activists, fresh to the struggle, seemed especially open to his ideas, and accounts of Williams' influence abound . For example, in 1%1, after the murder of Herbert Lee, a young activist in McComb, Mississippi, local blacks appealed to the Department of Justice and FBI with no results. Learning of what Williams had done in Monroe, they formed a "defense guard," and publicized its existence . They had no further trouble with voter registration . `"that is the lesson of Monroe," claimed Conrad Lynn, Williams' attorney s° That same year, James Forman of SNCC was visiting Williams in Monroe the night he was accused of kidnapping . Williams made a tremendous impact on Forman, who would devote over fifty pages of his autobiography to Williams and the Monroe story .' e°Morris Renek, "Portrait of a `Wretched' Man : Robert Williams--Wanted by the FBI," The New Re blic (Septem5er 30, 1%7) : 12, Box 4, "Articles Concerning Robert Williams--1967" Folder, Robert F. Williams Collection, Bentley Historical Library, University of Michigan . g~See James Forman, The Makingof Black Revolutionaries (Seattle: Open Hand Publishing, 1985), 158-211 . 6 6

When juxtaposed with the ideas of Martin Luther King or Roy Wilkins, Williams' ideas made the militancy of the SCLC and NAACP seem moderate . To the civil rights movement, Willisrns contributed (in the eyes of most whites) an unpleasant alternative to the peaceable strategy of someone like King, and made King's plans and ideas sam more acceptable to the majority of Americans a2 Furthermore, King's verbal sparring with Williams forced the SCLC minister to sharpen his own understanding of nonviolence and its role in the movement . He was a well-known figure in the inner city, particularly in the latter 1960's when revolution seemed possible to many black nationalists . Entrepreneurs capitalized on Williams' stature (and contributed to it) by marketing merchandise embossed with his image . "Power Posters," a Philadelphia company, offered posters of Malcolm X, Stokely Carmichael, H. Rap Brown, Muhammad Ali, and LeRoi Jones, but Williams topped the inventory list, and the firm's magazine advertisements featured a photograph not of these other celebrities, but of Williams, holding a cocked pistol .ej He foreshadowed the black radicals of the 1960's who answered his call to arms . Militants like Malcolm X, Huey Newton, and Eldridge Cleaver looked to the past for precedent and stumbled upon Williams as a man willing to defend his civil rights with sz With Malcolm X, Williams "provided a sharp cutting edge to the black struggle . They kept the pressure on civil-rights leaders to be bolder, more militant," according to Harvard Sitkoff. "Simultaneously, their radicalism made the movement's leadership and objectives appear responsible and moderate . And they scared some white leaders into accepting the civil rights demands as the only effative way to avert potential disaster." Sitkoff, The Struggle for Black Equality . 1954-1992 rev . ed . (New York : Hill & Wang, 1993), 143. g3For example, sa LI~g,4II 9 n 2 (Febnrary 1969) : 11 . 67

When juxtaposed with the ideas of Martin Luther King or Roy Wilkins, Williams'<br />

ideas made the militancy of the SCLC <strong>and</strong> NAACP seem moderate . To the civil rights<br />

movement, Willisrns contributed (in the eyes of most whites) an unpleasant alternative to<br />

the peaceable strategy of someone like King, <strong>and</strong> made King's plans <strong>and</strong> ideas sam more<br />

acceptable to the majority of Americans a2 Furthermore, King's verbal sparring with<br />

Williams forced the SCLC minister to sharpen his own underst<strong>and</strong>ing of nonviolence <strong>and</strong><br />

its role in the movement .<br />

He was a well-known figure in the inner city, particularly in the latter 1960's when<br />

revolution seemed possible to many black nationalists . Entrepreneurs capitalized on<br />

Williams' stature (<strong>and</strong> contributed to it) by marketing merch<strong>and</strong>ise embossed with his<br />

image . "Power Posters," a Philadelphia company, offered posters of Malcolm X, Stokely<br />

Carmichael, H. Rap Brown, Muhammad Ali, <strong>and</strong> LeRoi Jones, but Williams topped the<br />

inventory list, <strong>and</strong> the firm's magazine advertisements featured a photograph not of these<br />

other celebrities, but of Williams, holding a cocked pistol .ej<br />

He foreshadowed the black radicals of the 1960's who answered his call to arms .<br />

Militants like Malcolm X, Huey Newton, <strong>and</strong> Eldridge Cleaver looked to the past for<br />

precedent <strong>and</strong> stumbled upon Williams as a man willing to defend his civil rights with<br />

sz With Malcolm X, Williams "provided a sharp cutting edge to the black struggle .<br />

They kept the pressure on civil-rights leaders to be bolder, more militant," according to<br />

Harvard Sitkoff. "Simultaneously, their radicalism made the movement's leadership <strong>and</strong><br />

objectives appear responsible <strong>and</strong> moderate . And they scared some white leaders into<br />

accepting the civil rights dem<strong>and</strong>s as the only effative way to avert potential disaster."<br />

Sitkoff, The Struggle for Black Equality . 1954-1992 rev . ed . (New York : Hill & Wang,<br />

1993), 14<strong>3.</strong><br />

g3For example, sa LI~g,4II 9 n 2 (Febnrary 1969) : 11 .<br />

67

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