3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives 3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
Americans alike in a way that Robert Williams' pronouncements had not. His name was Malcolm X. In the late 1950's, Williams' position had seemed incongruent with prevailing sentiments within the civil rights movement ; however, by the early 1960's, the social and political climate of the South had changed, and Williams' radical ideas did not seem so far-fetched . Activists had been beaten and bloodied, and nonviolence, for many, did not hold the appeal it once had . Younger activists, fresh to the struggle, seemed especially open to his ideas, and accounts of Williams' influence abound . For example, in 1%1, after the murder of Herbert Lee, a young activist in McComb, Mississippi, local blacks appealed to the Department of Justice and FBI with no results. Learning of what Williams had done in Monroe, they formed a "defense guard," and publicized its existence . They had no further trouble with voter registration . `"that is the lesson of Monroe," claimed Conrad Lynn, Williams' attorney s° That same year, James Forman of SNCC was visiting Williams in Monroe the night he was accused of kidnapping . Williams made a tremendous impact on Forman, who would devote over fifty pages of his autobiography to Williams and the Monroe story .' e°Morris Renek, "Portrait of a `Wretched' Man : Robert Williams--Wanted by the FBI," The New Re blic (Septem5er 30, 1%7) : 12, Box 4, "Articles Concerning Robert Williams--1967" Folder, Robert F. Williams Collection, Bentley Historical Library, University of Michigan . g~See James Forman, The Makingof Black Revolutionaries (Seattle: Open Hand Publishing, 1985), 158-211 . 6 6
When juxtaposed with the ideas of Martin Luther King or Roy Wilkins, Williams' ideas made the militancy of the SCLC and NAACP seem moderate . To the civil rights movement, Willisrns contributed (in the eyes of most whites) an unpleasant alternative to the peaceable strategy of someone like King, and made King's plans and ideas sam more acceptable to the majority of Americans a2 Furthermore, King's verbal sparring with Williams forced the SCLC minister to sharpen his own understanding of nonviolence and its role in the movement . He was a well-known figure in the inner city, particularly in the latter 1960's when revolution seemed possible to many black nationalists . Entrepreneurs capitalized on Williams' stature (and contributed to it) by marketing merchandise embossed with his image . "Power Posters," a Philadelphia company, offered posters of Malcolm X, Stokely Carmichael, H. Rap Brown, Muhammad Ali, and LeRoi Jones, but Williams topped the inventory list, and the firm's magazine advertisements featured a photograph not of these other celebrities, but of Williams, holding a cocked pistol .ej He foreshadowed the black radicals of the 1960's who answered his call to arms . Militants like Malcolm X, Huey Newton, and Eldridge Cleaver looked to the past for precedent and stumbled upon Williams as a man willing to defend his civil rights with sz With Malcolm X, Williams "provided a sharp cutting edge to the black struggle . They kept the pressure on civil-rights leaders to be bolder, more militant," according to Harvard Sitkoff. "Simultaneously, their radicalism made the movement's leadership and objectives appear responsible and moderate . And they scared some white leaders into accepting the civil rights demands as the only effative way to avert potential disaster." Sitkoff, The Struggle for Black Equality . 1954-1992 rev . ed . (New York : Hill & Wang, 1993), 143. g3For example, sa LI~g,4II 9 n 2 (Febnrary 1969) : 11 . 67
- Page 37 and 38: the power structure."~ In other wor
- Page 39 and 40: available to the Negro in his strug
- Page 41 and 42: (toughmindedness) and love (tenderh
- Page 43 and 44: compelling arguments for the moral
- Page 45 and 46: and faggot. For example, in 1889, J
- Page 47 and 48: His first impulse when threatened w
- Page 49 and 50: aggravate ; that is, his politics o
- Page 51 and 52: quantitative change in our lives."
- Page 53 and 54: '~P~opk With StrenSth": Questioning
- Page 55 and 56: united behind him:'s Comparing his
- Page 57 and 58: paratroopers from the 101" Airborne
- Page 59 and 60: Williams respected what he called "
- Page 61 and 62: NAACP had always appealed, he scour
- Page 63 and 64: Montgomery was buried without incid
- Page 65 and 66: motorcade with gunfiro when the car
- Page 67 and 68: slavery and oppression . Tire Negro
- Page 69 and 70: S-6 . at the heart of his nonviolen
- Page 71 and 72: act : anyone who would utilize nonv
- Page 73 and 74: folkways . Because they believed th
- Page 75 and 76: the South, found themselves spearhe
- Page 77 and 78: Brown ." sa That same month, Willia
- Page 79 and 80: pumping hundrr~ds of thousands of d
- Page 81 and 82: making better men either of themsel
- Page 83 and 84: He likened racism to a disease, a m
- Page 85 and 86: escalated . Rioting broke out. Then
- Page 87: Williams' ideas came to fruition in
- Page 91 and 92: But if Willisms "made just as much
- Page 93 and 94: Whatever his place in prevailing hi
- Page 95 and 96: thinking merit special attention by
- Page 97 and 98: The women propared food, and served
- Page 99 and 100: candidate for county representative
- Page 101 and 102: tide of nonviolent diroct action ;
- Page 103 and 104: the sheriff again and told him that
- Page 105 and 106: characterized by hatred or meanness
- Page 107 and 108: terms of "`violence' versus `nonvio
- Page 109 and 110: than as separate entities, seenKd q
- Page 111 and 112: The best descriptor of Malcolm X wa
- Page 113 and 114: qualities in themselves. Finally, a
- Page 115 and 116: someone is treating you in a crimin
- Page 117 and 118: "You can't take a black man who is
- Page 119 and 120: attacked . Now, fve never been the
- Page 121 and 122: have, he wondered, to stop the loca
- Page 123 and 124: precluded him from being involved.
- Page 125 and 126: Malcolm "proved" his detractors to
- Page 127 and 128: Malcolm reveled in ambivalence, and
- Page 129 and 130: While his views on integration, whi
- Page 131 and 132: He summed up his speoch by doclarin
- Page 133 and 134: journalist, labeled them "the South
- Page 135 and 136: shifted from Jonesbom to 8ogalusa,
- Page 137 and 138: cost. The struggle for black equali
When juxtaposed with the ideas of Martin Luther King or Roy Wilkins, Williams'<br />
ideas made the militancy of the SCLC <strong>and</strong> NAACP seem moderate . To the civil rights<br />
movement, Willisrns contributed (in the eyes of most whites) an unpleasant alternative to<br />
the peaceable strategy of someone like King, <strong>and</strong> made King's plans <strong>and</strong> ideas sam more<br />
acceptable to the majority of Americans a2 Furthermore, King's verbal sparring with<br />
Williams forced the SCLC minister to sharpen his own underst<strong>and</strong>ing of nonviolence <strong>and</strong><br />
its role in the movement .<br />
He was a well-known figure in the inner city, particularly in the latter 1960's when<br />
revolution seemed possible to many black nationalists . Entrepreneurs capitalized on<br />
Williams' stature (<strong>and</strong> contributed to it) by marketing merch<strong>and</strong>ise embossed with his<br />
image . "Power Posters," a Philadelphia company, offered posters of Malcolm X, Stokely<br />
Carmichael, H. Rap Brown, Muhammad Ali, <strong>and</strong> LeRoi Jones, but Williams topped the<br />
inventory list, <strong>and</strong> the firm's magazine advertisements featured a photograph not of these<br />
other celebrities, but of Williams, holding a cocked pistol .ej<br />
He foreshadowed the black radicals of the 1960's who answered his call to arms .<br />
Militants like Malcolm X, Huey Newton, <strong>and</strong> Eldridge Cleaver looked to the past for<br />
precedent <strong>and</strong> stumbled upon Williams as a man willing to defend his civil rights with<br />
sz With Malcolm X, Williams "provided a sharp cutting edge to the black struggle .<br />
They kept the pressure on civil-rights leaders to be bolder, more militant," according to<br />
Harvard Sitkoff. "Simultaneously, their radicalism made the movement's leadership <strong>and</strong><br />
objectives appear responsible <strong>and</strong> moderate . And they scared some white leaders into<br />
accepting the civil rights dem<strong>and</strong>s as the only effative way to avert potential disaster."<br />
Sitkoff, The Struggle for Black Equality . 1954-1992 rev . ed . (New York : Hill & Wang,<br />
1993), 14<strong>3.</strong><br />
g3For example, sa LI~g,4II 9 n 2 (Febnrary 1969) : 11 .<br />
67