3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives 3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
as equals, not dependent on the whim and generosity of the oppressor."~ Williams claimed that he and King were not ideologically dissimilar . "I wish to make it clear," he wrote, "that i do not advocate violence for its own sake, or for the sake of reprisals against whites . Nor am I against the passive resistance advocated by the Reverend Martin Luther King and others. My only difference with Dr. King is that I believe in flexibility in the freedom struggle." 3~ Consistently, the two men misunderstood one another. As a spokesman for nonviolent direct action, King mistook Williams' call to "mat violence with violence" as an invitation to kill white people with impunity . He noted : Mr. Williams would have us believe that there is no collective and practical alternative [to violence . He argues that we must be cringing and submissive or take up arms . To so place the issue distorts the whole problem . There arc other meaningful alternatives . 38 Williams, for his part, failed to understand the militance of King's nonviolent direct action, and sometimes equated nonviolence and pacifism . In Negroes With Guns , he would later write that if student protesters could show him the gains of nonviolent methods, then he too would "become a pacifist." 39 Williams' equating nonviolence with pacifism denied nonviolent direct action its forcefulness. He characterized self-protection as the only manly response to violent attack, but King redefined nonviolence as a manly ~Williams, Ness With Guns, 41 . 3gKing, "The Social Organization of Nonviolence, Liberation 4 n 7 (October 1959) : S . 39Williams, News With Guns , 78 . 48
act : anyone who would utilize nonviolent direct action "will need ample courage and willingness to sacrifice." Nonviolence "needs the bold and the brave because it is not free from danger. It faces the vicious and evil enemies squarely."~° The rivalry between followers of the two men became so great that the first published biography of King seemingly took its name--in a gesture meant to refute Williams--from the newsletter,~ . Published in 1959, the hastily compiled biography was entitled Crusader Without Violence. King's failure to back Williams in his tribulations in Monroe helped to ostracize the latter at a time when he most needed public sympathy. After his admonition to "mat violence with violence" in 1959, the national board of the NAACPdenounced and suspended Williams~~ Many, including Robert A. Eraser, secretary-treasurer of the AFL- CIO, protested the suspension 4z The branch voted to make Williams' wife, Mabel, president in his place (he was later re-elected unanimously, in absentia) . Her election in her husband's stead suggests that the couple were popular in Monroe and enjoyed widespread support in the local black community, but "five years ago when I started 6. °°King, `"The Social Organization of Nonviolence," Liberation 4 n7 (October 1959) : 'For the official account of Williams' suspension (provided by the NAACP), sa `"The Robert Williams Case :' Crisis 66 n 6 (June-July, 1959) : 325-329; for another version, see Julian Mayfield, "Challenge to Negro Leadership," Commentary 31 (April 1961) : 297-305 . `~Robert A. Eraser, letter to Roy Wilkins, May 29, 1959, "Cortespondence 1959" Folder, Box 1, Robert F. Williams Collation, Bentley Historical Library, University of Michigan . 49
- Page 19 and 20: could be argued that King's middle-
- Page 21 and 22: people customarily initiated it . F
- Page 23 and 24: "The Other Cheek" : ReUn9ubhing Sel
- Page 25 and 26: expressed an urge to "give as good
- Page 27 and 28: professionals and faculty members f
- Page 29 and 30: But while King defused the volatile
- Page 31 and 32: (FOR), and William Worthy, a black
- Page 33 and 34: practicability of his position: '~4
- Page 35 and 36: Additionally, Bayard Rustin reporte
- Page 37 and 38: the power structure."~ In other wor
- Page 39 and 40: available to the Negro in his strug
- Page 41 and 42: (toughmindedness) and love (tenderh
- Page 43 and 44: compelling arguments for the moral
- Page 45 and 46: and faggot. For example, in 1889, J
- Page 47 and 48: His first impulse when threatened w
- Page 49 and 50: aggravate ; that is, his politics o
- Page 51 and 52: quantitative change in our lives."
- Page 53 and 54: '~P~opk With StrenSth": Questioning
- Page 55 and 56: united behind him:'s Comparing his
- Page 57 and 58: paratroopers from the 101" Airborne
- Page 59 and 60: Williams respected what he called "
- Page 61 and 62: NAACP had always appealed, he scour
- Page 63 and 64: Montgomery was buried without incid
- Page 65 and 66: motorcade with gunfiro when the car
- Page 67 and 68: slavery and oppression . Tire Negro
- Page 69: S-6 . at the heart of his nonviolen
- Page 73 and 74: folkways . Because they believed th
- Page 75 and 76: the South, found themselves spearhe
- Page 77 and 78: Brown ." sa That same month, Willia
- Page 79 and 80: pumping hundrr~ds of thousands of d
- Page 81 and 82: making better men either of themsel
- Page 83 and 84: He likened racism to a disease, a m
- Page 85 and 86: escalated . Rioting broke out. Then
- Page 87 and 88: Williams' ideas came to fruition in
- Page 89 and 90: When juxtaposed with the ideas of M
- Page 91 and 92: But if Willisms "made just as much
- Page 93 and 94: Whatever his place in prevailing hi
- Page 95 and 96: thinking merit special attention by
- Page 97 and 98: The women propared food, and served
- Page 99 and 100: candidate for county representative
- Page 101 and 102: tide of nonviolent diroct action ;
- Page 103 and 104: the sheriff again and told him that
- Page 105 and 106: characterized by hatred or meanness
- Page 107 and 108: terms of "`violence' versus `nonvio
- Page 109 and 110: than as separate entities, seenKd q
- Page 111 and 112: The best descriptor of Malcolm X wa
- Page 113 and 114: qualities in themselves. Finally, a
- Page 115 and 116: someone is treating you in a crimin
- Page 117 and 118: "You can't take a black man who is
- Page 119 and 120: attacked . Now, fve never been the
as equals, not dependent on the whim <strong>and</strong> generosity of the oppressor."~ Williams<br />
claimed that he <strong>and</strong> King were not ideologically dissimilar . "I wish to make it clear," he<br />
wrote, "that i do not advocate violence for its own sake, or for the sake of reprisals<br />
against whites . Nor am I against the passive resistance advocated by the Reverend Martin<br />
Luther King <strong>and</strong> others. My only difference with Dr. King is that I believe in flexibility<br />
in the freedom struggle." 3~<br />
Consistently, the two men misunderstood one another. As a spokesman for<br />
nonviolent direct action, King mistook Williams' call to "mat violence with violence" as<br />
an invitation to kill white people with impunity . He noted :<br />
Mr. Williams would have us believe that there is no collective <strong>and</strong> practical<br />
alternative [to violence . He argues that we must be cringing <strong>and</strong> submissive or<br />
take up arms . To so place the issue distorts the whole problem . There arc other<br />
meaningful alternatives . 38<br />
Williams, for his part, failed to underst<strong>and</strong> the militance of King's nonviolent<br />
direct action, <strong>and</strong> sometimes equated nonviolence <strong>and</strong> pacifism . In Negroes With Guns ,<br />
he would later write that if student protesters could show him the gains of nonviolent<br />
methods, then he too would "become a pacifist." 39 Williams' equating nonviolence with<br />
pacifism denied nonviolent direct action its forcefulness. He characterized self-protection<br />
as the only manly response to violent attack, but King redefined nonviolence as a manly<br />
~Williams, Ness With Guns, 41 .<br />
3gKing, "The Social Organization of Nonviolence, Liberation 4 n 7 (October 1959) : S .<br />
39Williams, News With Guns , 78 .<br />
48