3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives

3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives 3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives

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as equals, not dependent on the whim and generosity of the oppressor."~ Williams claimed that he and King were not ideologically dissimilar . "I wish to make it clear," he wrote, "that i do not advocate violence for its own sake, or for the sake of reprisals against whites . Nor am I against the passive resistance advocated by the Reverend Martin Luther King and others. My only difference with Dr. King is that I believe in flexibility in the freedom struggle." 3~ Consistently, the two men misunderstood one another. As a spokesman for nonviolent direct action, King mistook Williams' call to "mat violence with violence" as an invitation to kill white people with impunity . He noted : Mr. Williams would have us believe that there is no collective and practical alternative [to violence . He argues that we must be cringing and submissive or take up arms . To so place the issue distorts the whole problem . There arc other meaningful alternatives . 38 Williams, for his part, failed to understand the militance of King's nonviolent direct action, and sometimes equated nonviolence and pacifism . In Negroes With Guns , he would later write that if student protesters could show him the gains of nonviolent methods, then he too would "become a pacifist." 39 Williams' equating nonviolence with pacifism denied nonviolent direct action its forcefulness. He characterized self-protection as the only manly response to violent attack, but King redefined nonviolence as a manly ~Williams, Ness With Guns, 41 . 3gKing, "The Social Organization of Nonviolence, Liberation 4 n 7 (October 1959) : S . 39Williams, News With Guns , 78 . 48

act : anyone who would utilize nonviolent direct action "will need ample courage and willingness to sacrifice." Nonviolence "needs the bold and the brave because it is not free from danger. It faces the vicious and evil enemies squarely."~° The rivalry between followers of the two men became so great that the first published biography of King seemingly took its name--in a gesture meant to refute Williams--from the newsletter,~ . Published in 1959, the hastily compiled biography was entitled Crusader Without Violence. King's failure to back Williams in his tribulations in Monroe helped to ostracize the latter at a time when he most needed public sympathy. After his admonition to "mat violence with violence" in 1959, the national board of the NAACPdenounced and suspended Williams~~ Many, including Robert A. Eraser, secretary-treasurer of the AFL- CIO, protested the suspension 4z The branch voted to make Williams' wife, Mabel, president in his place (he was later re-elected unanimously, in absentia) . Her election in her husband's stead suggests that the couple were popular in Monroe and enjoyed widespread support in the local black community, but "five years ago when I started 6. °°King, `"The Social Organization of Nonviolence," Liberation 4 n7 (October 1959) : 'For the official account of Williams' suspension (provided by the NAACP), sa `"The Robert Williams Case :' Crisis 66 n 6 (June-July, 1959) : 325-329; for another version, see Julian Mayfield, "Challenge to Negro Leadership," Commentary 31 (April 1961) : 297-305 . `~Robert A. Eraser, letter to Roy Wilkins, May 29, 1959, "Cortespondence 1959" Folder, Box 1, Robert F. Williams Collation, Bentley Historical Library, University of Michigan . 49

as equals, not dependent on the whim <strong>and</strong> generosity of the oppressor."~ Williams<br />

claimed that he <strong>and</strong> King were not ideologically dissimilar . "I wish to make it clear," he<br />

wrote, "that i do not advocate violence for its own sake, or for the sake of reprisals<br />

against whites . Nor am I against the passive resistance advocated by the Reverend Martin<br />

Luther King <strong>and</strong> others. My only difference with Dr. King is that I believe in flexibility<br />

in the freedom struggle." 3~<br />

Consistently, the two men misunderstood one another. As a spokesman for<br />

nonviolent direct action, King mistook Williams' call to "mat violence with violence" as<br />

an invitation to kill white people with impunity . He noted :<br />

Mr. Williams would have us believe that there is no collective <strong>and</strong> practical<br />

alternative [to violence . He argues that we must be cringing <strong>and</strong> submissive or<br />

take up arms . To so place the issue distorts the whole problem . There arc other<br />

meaningful alternatives . 38<br />

Williams, for his part, failed to underst<strong>and</strong> the militance of King's nonviolent<br />

direct action, <strong>and</strong> sometimes equated nonviolence <strong>and</strong> pacifism . In Negroes With Guns ,<br />

he would later write that if student protesters could show him the gains of nonviolent<br />

methods, then he too would "become a pacifist." 39 Williams' equating nonviolence with<br />

pacifism denied nonviolent direct action its forcefulness. He characterized self-protection<br />

as the only manly response to violent attack, but King redefined nonviolence as a manly<br />

~Williams, Ness With Guns, 41 .<br />

3gKing, "The Social Organization of Nonviolence, Liberation 4 n 7 (October 1959) : S .<br />

39Williams, News With Guns , 78 .<br />

48

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