3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives 3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
merits of self-protation during 1957-1962 . The Montgomery bus boycott succeeded gloriously. The boycott ignited a generation of young black Americans who had no plans to live under segregation as their parents had done . It demonstrated that legal challenge, as the NAACP practiced with partial success, was not the only method for bringing results . It allowed individual blacks to get involved and make a difference . It also seemingly established a precedent for nonviolent direct action as a new device in the struggle for black equality . But that precedent was soon to come under assault from a number of fronts. Boston University . 3 0
'~P~opk With StrenSth": Questioning tlK Noavbknt Ida1,19S7-1962 9n other communiligg Ihen wen Negrog who had Muir ela~le hactured, but not a single demonshatorwu even spat upon during our sit-in :. We had lee: violence becewe we'd shown IM witinpnea and readings b Hpht and defend ourgNg . . . We eppeued u people with etrengpi, and it wu b the mutwl advantage of aA pardg concerned Ihd pucelul nlatiorra be mainWned." ~RobeR Wiwiarne, describing origin campaigra in Monroe, North Carolina, t ti82 By the middle of L956, Martin Luther King's ideas regarding nonviolence and self-defense had congealed ; however, in the next few years, each new crisis within the burgeoning civil rights movement compelled him to explain his thoughts on self-defense in order to justify nonviolence . Not everyone involved in the struggle for black equality subscribed to the sensibilities girding nonviolence, and disagreements with King's methods cropped up periodically . These were not always personal responses or reactions to King, but parallel currents within the movement : part of a larger dialogue regarding the best path toward black equality. During the late 1950's and early 1960's, many activists felt that nonviolence was yet to be established and proven in an American context, and many questioned its efOcacy. Many expressed reservations about nonviolence, each of which seemed to center on the question of self-defense . For example, P. L. Prattis, a columnist for The Pittsburgh Courier, took aim at King in 1957 in a five-part series on the virtues of nonviolence . A black man writing for a leading black newspaper, Prattis was not only a respectedjournalist but also director of the Youth Education Project and a member of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives. He questioned the relevance of nonviolence to the plight of Afro- Americans, and differed with King on several points. He saw nonviolence as little more 3 1
- Page 1 and 2: CCVII. RIGHTS & SELF-DEFENSE : THE
- Page 3 and 4: Civil Rights and Self-Defense : The
- Page 5 and 6: It was not until the 1950's and 196
- Page 7 and 8: ights movement, including : redempt
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- Page 11 and 12: nonviolence . It is not a complete
- Page 13 and 14: happen, and the time for defense is
- Page 15 and 16: during this period currently lie do
- Page 17 and 18: what is right, but Iam not sure how
- Page 19 and 20: could be argued that King's middle-
- Page 21 and 22: people customarily initiated it . F
- Page 23 and 24: "The Other Cheek" : ReUn9ubhing Sel
- Page 25 and 26: expressed an urge to "give as good
- Page 27 and 28: professionals and faculty members f
- Page 29 and 30: But while King defused the volatile
- Page 31 and 32: (FOR), and William Worthy, a black
- Page 33 and 34: practicability of his position: '~4
- Page 35 and 36: Additionally, Bayard Rustin reporte
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- Page 39 and 40: available to the Negro in his strug
- Page 41 and 42: (toughmindedness) and love (tenderh
- Page 43 and 44: compelling arguments for the moral
- Page 45 and 46: and faggot. For example, in 1889, J
- Page 47 and 48: His first impulse when threatened w
- Page 49 and 50: aggravate ; that is, his politics o
- Page 51: quantitative change in our lives."
- Page 55 and 56: united behind him:'s Comparing his
- Page 57 and 58: paratroopers from the 101" Airborne
- Page 59 and 60: Williams respected what he called "
- Page 61 and 62: NAACP had always appealed, he scour
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- Page 77 and 78: Brown ." sa That same month, Willia
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- Page 83 and 84: He likened racism to a disease, a m
- Page 85 and 86: escalated . Rioting broke out. Then
- Page 87 and 88: Williams' ideas came to fruition in
- Page 89 and 90: When juxtaposed with the ideas of M
- Page 91 and 92: But if Willisms "made just as much
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'~P~opk With StrenSth": Questioning tlK Noavbknt Ida1,19S7-1962<br />
9n other communiligg Ihen wen Negrog who had Muir ela~le hactured, but not a single demonshatorwu even spat<br />
upon during our sit-in :. We had lee: violence becewe we'd shown IM witinpnea <strong>and</strong> readings b Hpht <strong>and</strong> defend<br />
ourgNg . . . We eppeued u people with etrengpi, <strong>and</strong> it wu b the mutwl advantage of aA pardg concerned Ihd<br />
pucelul nlatiorra be mainWned."<br />
~RobeR Wiwiarne, describing origin campaigra in Monroe, North Carolina, t ti82<br />
By the middle of L956, Martin Luther King's ideas regarding nonviolence <strong>and</strong><br />
self-defense had congealed ; however, in the next few years, each new crisis within the<br />
burgeoning civil rights movement compelled him to explain his thoughts on self-defense<br />
in order to justify nonviolence . Not everyone involved in the struggle for black equality<br />
subscribed to the sensibilities girding nonviolence, <strong>and</strong> disagreements with King's<br />
methods cropped up periodically . These were not always personal responses or reactions<br />
to King, but parallel currents within the movement : part of a larger dialogue regarding the<br />
best path toward black equality. During the late 1950's <strong>and</strong> early 1960's, many activists<br />
felt that nonviolence was yet to be established <strong>and</strong> proven in an American context, <strong>and</strong><br />
many questioned its efOcacy. Many expressed reservations about nonviolence, each of<br />
which seemed to center on the question of self-defense .<br />
For example, P. L. Prattis, a columnist for The Pittsburgh Courier, took aim at<br />
King in 1957 in a five-part series on the virtues of nonviolence . A black man writing for<br />
a leading black newspaper, Prattis was not only a respectedjournalist but also director of<br />
the Youth Education Project <strong>and</strong> a member of the Pennsylvania House of<br />
Representatives. He questioned the relevance of nonviolence to the plight of Afro-<br />
Americans, <strong>and</strong> differed with King on several points. He saw nonviolence as little more<br />
3 1