3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives

3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives 3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives

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merits of self-protation during 1957-1962 . The Montgomery bus boycott succeeded gloriously. The boycott ignited a generation of young black Americans who had no plans to live under segregation as their parents had done . It demonstrated that legal challenge, as the NAACP practiced with partial success, was not the only method for bringing results . It allowed individual blacks to get involved and make a difference . It also seemingly established a precedent for nonviolent direct action as a new device in the struggle for black equality . But that precedent was soon to come under assault from a number of fronts. Boston University . 3 0

'~P~opk With StrenSth": Questioning tlK Noavbknt Ida1,19S7-1962 9n other communiligg Ihen wen Negrog who had Muir ela~le hactured, but not a single demonshatorwu even spat upon during our sit-in :. We had lee: violence becewe we'd shown IM witinpnea and readings b Hpht and defend ourgNg . . . We eppeued u people with etrengpi, and it wu b the mutwl advantage of aA pardg concerned Ihd pucelul nlatiorra be mainWned." ~RobeR Wiwiarne, describing origin campaigra in Monroe, North Carolina, t ti82 By the middle of L956, Martin Luther King's ideas regarding nonviolence and self-defense had congealed ; however, in the next few years, each new crisis within the burgeoning civil rights movement compelled him to explain his thoughts on self-defense in order to justify nonviolence . Not everyone involved in the struggle for black equality subscribed to the sensibilities girding nonviolence, and disagreements with King's methods cropped up periodically . These were not always personal responses or reactions to King, but parallel currents within the movement : part of a larger dialogue regarding the best path toward black equality. During the late 1950's and early 1960's, many activists felt that nonviolence was yet to be established and proven in an American context, and many questioned its efOcacy. Many expressed reservations about nonviolence, each of which seemed to center on the question of self-defense . For example, P. L. Prattis, a columnist for The Pittsburgh Courier, took aim at King in 1957 in a five-part series on the virtues of nonviolence . A black man writing for a leading black newspaper, Prattis was not only a respectedjournalist but also director of the Youth Education Project and a member of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives. He questioned the relevance of nonviolence to the plight of Afro- Americans, and differed with King on several points. He saw nonviolence as little more 3 1

'~P~opk With StrenSth": Questioning tlK Noavbknt Ida1,19S7-1962<br />

9n other communiligg Ihen wen Negrog who had Muir ela~le hactured, but not a single demonshatorwu even spat<br />

upon during our sit-in :. We had lee: violence becewe we'd shown IM witinpnea <strong>and</strong> readings b Hpht <strong>and</strong> defend<br />

ourgNg . . . We eppeued u people with etrengpi, <strong>and</strong> it wu b the mutwl advantage of aA pardg concerned Ihd<br />

pucelul nlatiorra be mainWned."<br />

~RobeR Wiwiarne, describing origin campaigra in Monroe, North Carolina, t ti82<br />

By the middle of L956, Martin Luther King's ideas regarding nonviolence <strong>and</strong><br />

self-defense had congealed ; however, in the next few years, each new crisis within the<br />

burgeoning civil rights movement compelled him to explain his thoughts on self-defense<br />

in order to justify nonviolence . Not everyone involved in the struggle for black equality<br />

subscribed to the sensibilities girding nonviolence, <strong>and</strong> disagreements with King's<br />

methods cropped up periodically . These were not always personal responses or reactions<br />

to King, but parallel currents within the movement : part of a larger dialogue regarding the<br />

best path toward black equality. During the late 1950's <strong>and</strong> early 1960's, many activists<br />

felt that nonviolence was yet to be established <strong>and</strong> proven in an American context, <strong>and</strong><br />

many questioned its efOcacy. Many expressed reservations about nonviolence, each of<br />

which seemed to center on the question of self-defense .<br />

For example, P. L. Prattis, a columnist for The Pittsburgh Courier, took aim at<br />

King in 1957 in a five-part series on the virtues of nonviolence . A black man writing for<br />

a leading black newspaper, Prattis was not only a respectedjournalist but also director of<br />

the Youth Education Project <strong>and</strong> a member of the Pennsylvania House of<br />

Representatives. He questioned the relevance of nonviolence to the plight of Afro-<br />

Americans, <strong>and</strong> differed with King on several points. He saw nonviolence as little more<br />

3 1

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