3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives 3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
H we must die-"let it not be like hops Hunted and penned in an ingloriow spot, While round u: bark IM mad and hungry dogs, Making (heir mode at our accused lot. H we must die "" oh, Ist us nobly die, So that our pnedow blood may not be shed In win; then ewn the monsters we defy S~ be constrained b horar us Ihouph deed! Oh, Kinsmen! We must meet the common foe ; Though far outnumbered, let us slaw us brave, Md fa Iheir Ihouand blows deal one deeth"Dbw! What though betas us Nes the open grave? Like men we'N lace the munieroue, cowardly pads, Pressed to the wall, dying, but fighting back! --"H We Must Dfe" by Claude McKay,1922 For much of its history, the southern United States was a terrible and terrifying place for black people to live . In the antebellum period, slavery relegated Africans in America to a life under the lash . In the 1880's, white racists engineered and fine-tuned the mechanisms of racial separation and applied them enthusiastically to black folk in order to institutionalize inequality ; they also systematized a program of racial violence, including assaults and lynchings, to insure their place above black people in the region's social hierarchy . Implicit and extreme violence held the mechanisms of segregation in place through the 1960's . As one scholar has recently observed, "Negroes were so far outside the human family that the most inhuman actions could be visited upon them . . . Black life could be snuffed out on whim, you could be killed because some ignorant white man didn't like the color of your shirt or the way you drove a wagon ."~ Charles M . Payne, I've Got the Li~h_t of Freedom : The Or¢an^izing Tradt_ion_ and the Mississippi Freedom Swaale (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 15.
It was not until the 1950's and 1960's that cracks began to appear in the South's rxial hegemony, and black activists used nonviolent tactics to widen these cracks into full-blown civil rights reform . During this period, nonviolent activists challenged Jim Crow segregation in the United States by nullifying the stultifying violence that had come to define the region . Leading the nation to a new understanding of responsible citizenship and biracial unity, these activists offered black and white Americans alike a new way of living their lives : not only as citizens of a multicultural nation-state but also as members of what Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. called a "beloved community" in which diverse peoples could come together and live in harmony . They also helped to mask the dcep scars left on the South by the region's "peculiar institution" : slavery. Nonviolence, as both a protest txtic and a way of life, provided the means to a better way of human interaction . But most Americans, including many civil rights xtivists, were slow to embrace what nonviolence required . Wary of such a self-sxrii'icing concept, they shied away Another historian has noted : Perhaps the most important charxteristic of American rxe relations in the early 1950's was the degree to which terror reigned in the blxk community and in the black mind . Black Southerners lived in a police state, a plxe where violenceofficially sanctioned violence-could be visited upon them in a moment, and for no reason at all . . . And the oppressors could do anything they wanted and get away with it. Fred Powledge, Free at Last? : The Civil Rights Movement and the People Who Made It (New York : Harper Perennial, 1991), 33 . iv
- Page 1 and 2: CCVII. RIGHTS & SELF-DEFENSE : THE
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It was not until the 1950's <strong>and</strong> 1960's that cracks began to appear in the South's<br />
rxial hegemony, <strong>and</strong> black activists used nonviolent tactics to widen these cracks into<br />
full-blown civil rights reform . During this period, nonviolent activists challenged Jim<br />
Crow segregation in the United States by nullifying the stultifying violence that had come<br />
to define the region . Leading the nation to a new underst<strong>and</strong>ing of responsible citizenship<br />
<strong>and</strong> biracial unity, these activists offered black <strong>and</strong> white Americans alike a new way of<br />
living their lives : not only as citizens of a multicultural nation-state but also as members<br />
of what Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. called a "beloved community" in which diverse<br />
peoples could come together <strong>and</strong> live in harmony . They also helped to mask the dcep<br />
scars left on the South by the region's "peculiar institution" : slavery. Nonviolence, as<br />
both a protest txtic <strong>and</strong> a way of life, provided the means to a better way of human<br />
interaction .<br />
But most Americans, including many civil rights xtivists, were slow to embrace<br />
what nonviolence required . Wary of such a self-sxrii'icing concept, they shied away<br />
Another historian has noted :<br />
Perhaps the most important charxteristic of American rxe relations in the early<br />
1950's was the degree to which terror reigned in the blxk community <strong>and</strong> in the<br />
black mind . Black Southerners lived in a police state, a plxe where violenceofficially<br />
sanctioned violence-could be visited upon them in a moment, <strong>and</strong> for no<br />
reason at<br />
all . . . And the oppressors could do anything they wanted <strong>and</strong> get away with it.<br />
Fred Powledge, Free at Last? : The Civil <strong>Rights</strong> Movement <strong>and</strong> the People Who Made It<br />
(New York : Harper Perennial, 1991), 33 .<br />
iv