3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives 3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
"I still believe that love is the most durable power in the world;' he preached on November 6, 1956, just seven days before the U.S . Supreme Court's decision against Alabama's bus segregation laws. A milestone of success, the Montgomery bus boycott represented a shining moment for King . Activists in Montgomery showed that non-retaliatory action for a cause could promote solidarity, build morale, and even bring victory against segregationist forces . King decided, under the tutelage of activists such as Rustin, that justice could prevail without force, without hatred, and without firearms . With nonviolence, King replaced his pistol with a more powerful weapon that effectively "outgunned" his adversaries . The boycott exposed the true power of nonviolence, which did not depend solely on the moral force of protest or love but used love as a fulcrum : a means of levering the majority culture toward justice and equality .ss It was also in Montgomery that King committed himself not simply to attacking Jim Crow segregation but to changing the racial preconceptions of white Americans . In Montgomery, King realized that moral suasion alone did not suffice . In subsequent protests, he sought to upset the complacency of middle-class, white America . Indeed, he consciously designed his method of social protest to generate change by initiating conflict within the existing political system . His demonstrations were designed to provoke and King, `"fhe Most Durable Power," The Christian Century, 74 (June 5, 1957) : 708 . ssSce Adam Roberts, "Martin Luther King, Jr., and Nonviolent Resistance," The World Today (June 24, 1968), 232 ; reprinted in Garrow, King: Civil Ri is Leader, 765 . ~Sce Mulford Q. Sibley, "Negro Revolution and Non-violent Action : Martin Luther King, Jr.," Political Science Review , 9 (1-6/70), 181 ; reprinted in Garrow, Kin¢ : C~Ri is 805 . 26
aggravate ; that is, his politics of confrontation sought to generate a crisis . They were intended to prod a hesitant government to rc-structure its legal system, and to coevce an indifferent society to look inward and reconsider its values and ideals . King's methods were not designed to mollify or conciliate . But many Americans, in processing the revolutionary changes along the South's racial front, tended to confuse nonviolent direct action with "passive resistance," a term which devalued King's novel and powerful approach to social protest . The term "passive resistance" connotes non-cooperation with, or inert resistance to, a government or occupying power; King advocated a much more proactive and confrontational stance . This misrepresentation helped to translate the issue at the heart of the movement into one of "violence" versus "nonviolence ." Activists had to choose between acquiescence (a non- option), violence, or nonviolence: stymied by the media's oversimplifying influence, most could not break out of the either/or rationale defining the place of violence in the movement . If one disregarded the centrality of self-defense in protecting black interests throughout Afro- American history, then black people seemingly had a single choice : they could go berserk, lashing out at white people and the symbols of white supremacy in a blind rage, or they could "passively" protest their grievances in a sober, non-threatening way. Thinking of the movement in such dualist terms could not explain how self-defense (or any sort of violence) had little to do with militance ; it also underscored the difficulties King encountered in justifying his brand of nonviolent resistance. As King envisioned it, nonviolence was simply an expression of Christian love : a re- articulation of the Golden Rule . When he began his crusade in 1955, self-defense, as an 27
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"I still believe that love is the most durable power in the world;' he preached on November 6,<br />
1956, just seven days before the U.S . Supreme Court's decision against Alabama's bus<br />
segregation laws.<br />
A milestone of success, the Montgomery bus boycott represented a shining moment<br />
for King . Activists in Montgomery showed that non-retaliatory action for a cause could<br />
promote solidarity, build morale, <strong>and</strong> even bring victory against segregationist forces . King<br />
decided, under the tutelage of activists such as Rustin, that justice could prevail without<br />
force, without hatred, <strong>and</strong> without firearms . With nonviolence, King replaced his pistol with<br />
a more powerful weapon that effectively "outgunned" his adversaries . The boycott exposed<br />
the true power of nonviolence, which did not depend solely on the moral force of protest or<br />
love but used love as a fulcrum : a means of levering the majority culture toward justice <strong>and</strong><br />
equality .ss It was also in Montgomery that King committed himself not simply to attacking<br />
Jim Crow segregation but to changing the racial preconceptions of white Americans .<br />
In Montgomery, King realized that moral suasion alone did not suffice . In subsequent<br />
protests, he sought to upset the complacency of middle-class, white America . Indeed, he<br />
consciously designed his method of social protest to generate change by initiating conflict<br />
within the existing political system . His demonstrations were designed to provoke <strong>and</strong><br />
King, `"fhe Most Durable Power," The Christian Century, 74 (June 5, 1957) : 708 .<br />
ssSce Adam Roberts, "Martin Luther King, Jr., <strong>and</strong> Nonviolent Resistance," The World<br />
Today (June 24, 1968), 232 ; reprinted in Garrow, King: Civil Ri is Leader, 765 .<br />
~Sce Mulford Q. Sibley, "Negro Revolution <strong>and</strong> Non-violent Action : Martin Luther King,<br />
Jr.," Political Science Review , 9 (1-6/70), 181 ; reprinted in Garrow, Kin¢ : C~Ri is<br />
805 .<br />
26