3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives 3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
environs in the first half of the twentieth century. The city had done its best to survive the triple ravages of the War, Reconstnrction, and boll weevil, and its people remembered each vividly. White Montgomerians, like other white Southerners, generally took pride in their city's heritage and distrusted change . For black residents to challenge segregation was neither easy nor without risk . Black community leaders steered Martin Luther King, Jr., the new pastor of the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church and a freshly minted Ph.D. student from Boston University, into the boycott's vacant generalship as director of the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA), an organizing committee created to facilitate the boycott . They knew the hazards involved in overturning the status quo in Montgomery, not the least of which meant incurring the wrath of the Ku Klux Klan . They needed someone to take the heat : a bellwether for their cause . King, one of many cogs in the machine that would make the boycott succeed, met their needs . As a student leader and promising young scholar, he had already demonstrated considerable charisma, and did not take long to make his presence known as the new minister in town . He had the least to lose in relation to the local, established, black leaders there . He was, in a political (and very physical) sense, expendable ; moreover, he was an excellent public speaker. He seemed like a natural choice to lead the boycott . Understandably apprehensive about his leadership role, King moved cautiously . Fresh from graduate school and unsure of his abilities in the real world, he did not want to jeopardize his standing with his new congregation, an atypical assemblage of
professionals and faculty members from Alabama State College who suited King's needs for intellectual development and propriety. Yearning for direction, he leaned heavily on his father, Martin Luther King, Sr., for advice and guidance, as he always had when faced with difficulty . A product of a privileged, middle-class upbringing, King believed, like his father, that moderate politics was the best path for Negro advancement~ But in taking the helm of the MIA, he took the first step in what proved to be a distinguished career in radical politics . King did not employ non-violent direct action in the early stages of the civil rights movement as a matter of protocol ; in 1955, it was not a codified element of organized social protest. He learned the power of nonviolence comparatively late in his short life. How King came to embrace nonviolence is essential in understanding the larger movement, which relied in large part on nonviolent protest for its successes . It is also essential in understanding the complex role self-defense played in this struggle . To understand self-defense, one must first understand nonviolence, which came to be seen as the normative method of protest in the civil rights struggle. Unfortunately, apprehending King's ontology can be tricky . His philosophy of nonviolence synthesized the teachings of Jesus Christ and Mahatma Gandhi, but King never detailed his ideas in a rigorous or systematic way . It is therefore rather difficult to assemble the eclec'c components that comprised his philosophical framework . Theologians and historians face the challenge of piecing together how King understood 4See Harvard Sitkoff, The Struggle for Black Ea~Ly~ 1954-1992 rev. ed. (New York : Hill and Wang, 1993), 43 .
- Page 1 and 2: CCVII. RIGHTS & SELF-DEFENSE : THE
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professionals <strong>and</strong> faculty members from Alabama State College who suited King's needs<br />
for intellectual development <strong>and</strong> propriety. Yearning for direction, he leaned heavily on<br />
his father, Martin Luther King, Sr., for advice <strong>and</strong> guidance, as he always had when faced<br />
with difficulty . A product of a privileged, middle-class upbringing, King believed, like<br />
his father, that moderate politics was the best path for Negro advancement~ But in taking<br />
the helm of the MIA, he took the first step in what proved to be a distinguished career in<br />
radical politics .<br />
King did not employ non-violent direct action in the early stages of the civil rights<br />
movement as a matter of protocol ; in 1955, it was not a codified element of organized<br />
social protest. He learned the power of nonviolence comparatively late in his short life.<br />
How King came to embrace nonviolence is essential in underst<strong>and</strong>ing the larger<br />
movement, which relied in large part on nonviolent protest for its successes . It is also<br />
essential in underst<strong>and</strong>ing the complex role self-defense played in this struggle . To<br />
underst<strong>and</strong> self-defense, one must first underst<strong>and</strong> nonviolence, which came to be seen as<br />
the normative method of protest in the civil rights struggle.<br />
Unfortunately, apprehending King's ontology can be tricky . His philosophy of<br />
nonviolence synthesized the teachings of Jesus Christ <strong>and</strong> Mahatma G<strong>and</strong>hi, but King<br />
never detailed his ideas in a rigorous or systematic way . It is therefore rather difficult to<br />
assemble the eclec'c components that comprised his philosophical framework .<br />
Theologians <strong>and</strong> historians face the challenge of piecing together how King understood<br />
4See Harvard Sitkoff, The Struggle for Black Ea~Ly~ 1954-1992 rev. ed. (New<br />
York : Hill <strong>and</strong> Wang, 1993), 43 .