3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives 3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
movement could not coalesce around such theoretical inconsistencies . Without clarifying the relationship between nonviolence, self-defense, and revolution, those involved in this phase of the movement were doomed to fail . It is quite plausible, thirdly, that the presence of weapons served not to deter, but to heighten tensions and nourish violence. Interrogating David Hilliard in a television interview for CBS's "Face the Nation" in 1969, Bernard Nossiter wondered if storing caches of firearms was not "an invitation for the police to take action ." g Hilliard denied stockpiling guns . By carrying guns, the Panthers' critics argued, they put themselves in a position where sooner or later they would have to use them. When Henry David Thoreau wrote in his famous "Plea for Captain John Brown" in 1859 "the question is not about the weapon but the spirit in which you use it," he meant to imply that Brown's motives were respectable; however, his words might also serve as a failsafe for the motives of anyone who would carry a firearm . Guns equal power over life, and even when equipped with the best intentions, people who carry them often seem to invite conflict. Only assassins intend to kill, but they arc not the only ones who do .9 Fourth, and finally, the security gained from carrying guns was quite possibly more illusory than real . A firearm offers a defensive chance only if it is carried eNossiter, quoted in David Hilliard, This Side of Glory: The Autobiorm~a~y of David Hilliard and the Story of the Black Panther Partv (Boston : Back Bay Books, 1993), 272 . 'In discussing Bob Moses's appreciation for Albert Camus, Eric Burner captures the giddy lure of the gun when he writes that "violence in good causes has within it a capacity for oppression," and "within the rebel there lurks the oppressor." See Burner, Andes He Shall Lead Them : Robert Parris Moses and Civil Rights in Mississ~ooi (New York: NYU Press, 1994), 7 . 202
everywhere a person goes, even inside one's home, and only if an adversary somehow squanders the advantage of surprise . It can be argued, as many pundits did in the late 1960'x, that guns were more serviceable as rhetorical appendages than as tools of revolution, or even devices of self-protection . The defensive purpose of any handgun is to discourage criminal activity. Indeed, in the absence of legal order, the handgun may be the most immediate means of thwarting criminal activity ; however, in a civilized society, physical security is a collective responsibility, not an individual one . Protesters did what they did to gain state protection that would preclude the need for carrying a gun in the first place . In other words, part of why the civil rights movement took place was to make "Negroes with guns" obsolete. Every American has the right to live without fear, and without relying upon firearms for security. As one scholar has noted, civilization is characterized by "the gradual perfection of respectful procedure for moral violence [i .e ., self-defenseJ ." It is "the formalizing of moral violence under rule of law ."~ ° The civil rights movement itself represented a step toward a more civilized United States. But self-defense had a positive side, too, perhaps best exemplified by the Deacons for Defense and Justice in 1965-1966 . Self-defense meant something else, apart from its own practicality or feasibility . It meant showing fight . Self-defense brought about a radical re-alignment in Afro-American thinking, causing-to borrow Thomas Kuhn's theory of scientific revolution-a "paradigm shift" in black consciousness. Self-defense °Robert Ginsberg, `"The Paradoxes of Violence, Moral Violence, and Nonviolena," in V.K. Kool, ed., Perspectives on Nonviolence (New York : Springer-Verlag, 1990), 162 . 203
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- Page 261 and 262: Wilkins, Roy and Ramsey Clark . Sea
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everywhere a person goes, even inside one's home, <strong>and</strong> only if an adversary somehow<br />
squ<strong>and</strong>ers the advantage of surprise . It can be argued, as many pundits did in the late<br />
1960'x, that guns were more serviceable as rhetorical appendages than as tools of<br />
revolution, or even devices of self-protection . The defensive purpose of any h<strong>and</strong>gun is<br />
to discourage criminal activity. Indeed, in the absence of legal order, the h<strong>and</strong>gun may be<br />
the most immediate means of thwarting criminal activity ; however, in a civilized society,<br />
physical security is a collective responsibility, not an individual one . Protesters did what<br />
they did to gain state protection that would preclude the need for carrying a gun in the<br />
first place . In other words, part of why the civil rights movement took place was to make<br />
"Negroes with guns" obsolete. Every American has the right to live without fear, <strong>and</strong><br />
without relying upon firearms for security. As one scholar has noted, civilization is<br />
characterized by "the gradual perfection of respectful procedure for moral violence [i .e .,<br />
self-defenseJ ." It is "the formalizing of moral violence under rule of law ."~ ° The civil<br />
rights movement itself represented a step toward a more civilized United States.<br />
But self-defense had a positive side, too, perhaps best exemplified by the Deacons<br />
for Defense <strong>and</strong> Justice in 1965-1966 . Self-defense meant something else, apart from its<br />
own practicality or feasibility . It meant showing fight . Self-defense brought about a<br />
radical re-alignment in Afro-American thinking, causing-to borrow Thomas Kuhn's<br />
theory of scientific revolution-a "paradigm shift" in black consciousness. Self-defense<br />
°Robert Ginsberg, `"The Paradoxes of Violence, Moral Violence, <strong>and</strong> Nonviolena,"<br />
in V.K. Kool, ed., Perspectives on Nonviolence (New York : Springer-Verlag, 1990), 162 .<br />
203