3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives 3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
Hut, as some defenders have observed, to focus on any "bad seeds" within the organization, or to highlight the criminal tendencies of some members (which unquestionably existed), would be to reduce the Black Panther Party to its worst element. After all, the drugs and alcohol, and law-breaking and violence, were only part of the story. Carl Miller, a reader of the East Bay ExDr+ess , reacted to news of Huey Newton's murder by a drug dealer in 1989 in a letter to the editor : Sure the Huey Newton some riffraff shot was probably a murderer, thief, alcoholic, and drug addict . . . But the man we remember was much more than just another thug. We remember the Huey Newton who stood up strong and black, who faced down the pigs and scared shit out of racists whose worst nightmare seemed about to come true . . . We knew in our heart of hearts that they [the Black Panthers] never really had a chance . And that the tactic of armed resistance was contradictory, at best counterproductive, and for sure downright dangerous . But oh what a rush Huey gave us . . . The Huey we remember was a tonic that at the time our community sorely needed . . . a2 As Huey's brother, Melvin Newton, noted, the Black Panther Party was about "ideals ." It was about "a social movement." It was about "social change ." s3 The original name of the Panthers-the "Black Panther Party for Self-Defense"- was clunky and cumbersome, but it captured the spirit of the organization . The Panthers began, like Robert Williams and the Deacons for Defense and Justice, as self-defense advocates ; however, the group rapidly became the vanguard of a social revolution, moving away from the ~ of self-defense (that is, immediate self-protection) at the same time that they justified their actions using the I~i4IIg of self-defense . In baoming a revolutionary vanguard, the Black Panthers ceased staving off attacks and began 82Car1 Miller, quoted in Pearson, The Shadow of the Panther, 328 . ,3Melvin Newton, quoted in Hilliacd, This Side of Glorv, 6-7 . 18 4
formulating their own . Coincidentally, the name change to "Black Panther Pasty" signified more than a change of appellation . It marked a symbolic shift toward a new kind of civil rights movement: offensive, belligerent, and warlike. It was a change that most people-including the Panthers-were ill prepared to face . In the late 1960'x, confrontations between the Panthers and police officers became a feud verging on open warfare . Policemen and Panthers shared the blame for escalated violence . The police sometimes unfairly targeted political activists ; the Panthers, for their part, sometimes pinned all of their hostility and frustration on hapless policemen just trying to perform what they understood to be their duties . Studies of the police showed that their attitudes and behaviors toward blacks differed gc+eatly from their attitudes and behaviors toward other whites . Similar studies showed that Afro-Americans tended to perceive the police as hostile, prejudiced, and corrupt . Racial prejudice blended with a skewed sense of duty in some law enforcement officers to create a strain of policemen ill-equipped for duty in black communities. These policemen often saw blacks as people who wanted something for nothing, as a lesser race, as "the enemy," or as the dupes of a foreign power determined to eradicate the "American way of life ." There wetr "good guys," they t+easoned, and there were "bad guys" : they, as "'`For more on these studies, see the President's Commission on Law Enforcement and the Administration of Justice, Task Force Report: The Police (Washington, D.C . : U.S . Government Printing Office, 1%7), espaially chapter 6; see also Jerome H. Skolnick, 'n+e Politics of Protest : Violent AsQects of Pn~dst & Confronmtion (A S~ff Report to the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence) (Washington, D.C. : Superintendent of Documents, U.S . Government Printing Office, 1%9), 97-135 . 185
- Page 155 and 156: Events picked up across the border
- Page 157 and 158: they were bound to precipitate a ca
- Page 159 and 160: goals of the movement. A year later
- Page 161 and 162: Sellers noted that while King was f
- Page 163 and 164: things," he said. "Everybody want t
- Page 165 and 166: the group . For example, an intervi
- Page 167 and 168: "Understand, the Deacons don't repl
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- Page 173 and 174: Lowndes County lies in the heart of
- Page 175 and 176: "take over the courthouse" with sub
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- Page 179 and 180: do anything violent ."~s But as the
- Page 181 and 182: To Carmichael, the Deacons for Defe
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- Page 185 and 186: considered the Panthers "a living t
- Page 187 and 188: legislator from Piedmont, specifica
- Page 189 and 190: Seale, the police were the enforcem
- Page 191 and 192: They also displayed a propensity to
- Page 193 and 194: Newton viewed violence as not simpl
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- Page 197 and 198: Newton, Seale, and Cleaver had all
- Page 199 and 200: Simultaneously, they shouldered the
- Page 201 and 202: The Deacons for Defense and Justice
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- Page 205: defense. He believed that no ruling
- Page 209 and 210: exposed the actions of some policem
- Page 211 and 212: think in terms of armed conflict."~
- Page 213 and 214: and his band waylaid the Cleveland
- Page 215 and 216: Epilog : TIK Only Tis+sd T1Ky Was "
- Page 217 and 218: action did so through a redefinitio
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- Page 221 and 222: lacks in West Feliciana Parish, Lou
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- Page 227 and 228: epresented a quantum leap in the ab
- Page 229 and 230: people carried themselves in public
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- Page 233 and 234: demand. It never did and it never w
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- Page 237 and 238: allowed both RAM and the RNA to use
- Page 239 and 240: United States was having." s~ Exasp
- Page 241 and 242: hammering home the notions of self-
- Page 243 and 244: to you, that did more good than non
- Page 245 and 246: SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ~~un~~r~ws a~
- Page 247 and 248: W"C~"Y//iO~ ~JYL7///~O{i California
- Page 249 and 250: Knight, Jack C. "Reckoning with Vio
- Page 251 and 252: Belknap, Michael R. Feral Law and S
- Page 253 and 254: Crcnshaw, Kimberlie. Critical Race
- Page 255 and 256: Grant, Joanne . Hlack Pnxsst : Iist
formulating their own . Coincidentally, the name change to "Black Panther Pasty"<br />
signified more than a change of appellation . It marked a symbolic shift toward a new<br />
kind of civil rights movement: offensive, belligerent, <strong>and</strong> warlike. It was a change that<br />
most people-including the Panthers-were ill prepared to face .<br />
In the late 1960'x, confrontations between the Panthers <strong>and</strong> police officers became<br />
a feud verging on open warfare . Policemen <strong>and</strong> Panthers shared the blame for escalated<br />
violence . The police sometimes unfairly targeted political activists ; the Panthers, for their<br />
part, sometimes pinned all of their hostility <strong>and</strong> frustration on hapless policemen just<br />
trying to perform what they understood to be their duties . Studies of the police showed<br />
that their attitudes <strong>and</strong> behaviors toward blacks differed gc+eatly from their attitudes <strong>and</strong><br />
behaviors toward other whites . Similar studies showed that Afro-Americans tended to<br />
perceive the police as hostile, prejudiced, <strong>and</strong> corrupt .<br />
Racial prejudice blended with a skewed sense of duty in some law enforcement<br />
officers to create a strain of policemen ill-equipped for duty in black communities. These<br />
policemen often saw blacks as people who wanted something for nothing, as a lesser race,<br />
as "the enemy," or as the dupes of a foreign power determined to eradicate the "American<br />
way of life ." There wetr "good guys," they t+easoned, <strong>and</strong> there were "bad guys" : they, as<br />
"'`For more on these studies, see the President's Commission on Law Enforcement<br />
<strong>and</strong> the Administration of Justice, Task Force Report: The Police (Washington, D.C . :<br />
U.S . Government Printing Office, 1%7), espaially chapter 6; see also Jerome H.<br />
Skolnick, 'n+e Politics of Protest : Violent AsQects of Pn~dst & Confronmtion (A S~ff<br />
Report to the National Commission on the Causes <strong>and</strong> Prevention of Violence)<br />
(Washington, D.C. : Superintendent of Documents, U.S . Government Printing Office,<br />
1%9), 97-135 .<br />
185