3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives

3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives 3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives

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desolate but formidably urban strata of Oakland, California . The former represents the birthplace not only of "Black Power" but also of the black panther symbol ; the latter made the symbol famous worldwide. Co-opting the name and image of the GCFO's political wing, Newton and Seale "founded" the Black Panther Party, but this connection between Alabama's Black Belt and the San Francisco Bay Area was more than symbolic. When Newton and Seale imported the name and symbol of the black panther to the West Coast and popularized it, the civil rights movement became a national struggle ; indeed, the symbolism of the black panther united the South with the rest of the country~ This transplantation of tactics, ideas, and visual images to the West Coast made the rioting outside of the South in 1964 and 1965 seem both more and less aberrant by comparison . It was less so because now blacks and whites all over the nation could agree that the nation's racial woes were not unique to the South; it was more so because the Panthers represented direct action in the finest tradition of the southern freedom struggle, but with a foreboding twist . 3While the Black Panther Party was born in Oakland in 1966, its ~yD],~41 was bom in Lowndes County, Alabama, in 1965 . Clayborne Carson has noted that SNCC inspired Newton and Seale who, after reading a pamphlet about "how the people in Lowndes County chose to arm themselves," adopted the black panther symbol of the Lowndes County Freedom Organization as their own. See Clayborne Carson, In Strug¢Ie~SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge : Harvard University Press, 1981), 278 . 4Im fact, a number of factors changed the civil rights movement from a regional struggle to a national one . The Watts riot of 1965, Martin Luther King's campaign in Chicago in 1966, and the formation of the Black Panther Party in 1967 all combined to shift the locus of civil rights activity to a national scale. 15 0

Lowndes County lies in the heart of Alabama's so-called Black Belt: the fertile region whose black soil produces abundant and bountiful crops and where, not so coincidentally, many of the state's black inhabitants live . In 1966, the land there produced cotton, corn, and profits--little of which went to the black folks who worked it . A handful of whites livod, as one observed surmised, like "a class of feudal flies in amber, fixed in a permanent state of moral decay and financial advantage"s ; of course, most whites suffered from the same staggering poverty as blacks. In Lowndes, there were four times as many blacks in 1966 (12,000 to 3,000) but eighty-nine white families owned ninety percent of the land . Most blacks were sharecroppers or tenants ; a few owned small plots of land, and fewer still owned small farms. Half of the black women who worked did so as maids in Montgomery, more than twenty miles distant, for about $4.00 a day. The median family income for blacks was 5935.00 ; for whites, it was 54,440 .00. The median educational level for blacks was slightly over live years of schooling ; eighty percent, black and white alike, were functionally illiterate . The schools and other accommodations for blacks were inferior to comparable facilities for whites 6 Hungry for change, blacks in Lowndes County created what was called at the time "one of the most broadly democratic political parties in the country" with the help of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), whose aid they solicited as SAndrew Kopkind, `"fhe Lair of the 81ack Panther," The New Re blic 155 (August 13, 1966) : 10-13 .

desolate but formidably urban strata of Oakl<strong>and</strong>, California . The former represents the<br />

birthplace not only of "Black Power" but also of the black panther symbol ; the latter<br />

made the symbol famous worldwide. Co-opting the name <strong>and</strong> image of the GCFO's<br />

political wing, Newton <strong>and</strong> Seale "founded" the Black Panther Party, but this connection<br />

between Alabama's Black Belt <strong>and</strong> the San Francisco Bay Area was more than symbolic.<br />

When Newton <strong>and</strong> Seale imported the name <strong>and</strong> symbol of the black panther to the West<br />

Coast <strong>and</strong> popularized it, the civil rights movement became a national struggle ; indeed,<br />

the symbolism of the black panther united the South with the rest of the country~ This<br />

transplantation of tactics, ideas, <strong>and</strong> visual images to the West Coast made the rioting<br />

outside of the South in 1964 <strong>and</strong> 1965 seem both more <strong>and</strong> less aberrant by comparison .<br />

It was less so because now blacks <strong>and</strong> whites all over the nation could agree that the<br />

nation's racial woes were not unique to the South; it was more so because the Panthers<br />

represented direct action in the finest tradition of the southern freedom struggle, but with<br />

a foreboding twist .<br />

3While the Black Panther Party was born in Oakl<strong>and</strong> in 1966, its ~yD],~41 was bom in<br />

Lowndes County, Alabama, in 1965 . Clayborne Carson has noted that SNCC inspired<br />

Newton <strong>and</strong> Seale who, after reading a pamphlet about "how the people in Lowndes<br />

County chose to arm themselves," adopted the black panther symbol of the Lowndes<br />

County <strong>Freedom</strong> Organization as their own. See Clayborne Carson, In Strug¢Ie~SNCC<br />

<strong>and</strong> the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge : Harvard University Press, 1981),<br />

278 .<br />

4Im fact, a number of factors changed the civil rights movement from a regional<br />

struggle to a national one . The Watts riot of 1965, Martin Luther King's campaign in<br />

Chicago in 1966, <strong>and</strong> the formation of the Black Panther Party in 1967 all combined to<br />

shift the locus of civil rights activity to a national scale.<br />

15 0

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