3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives 3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
Trey stressed that whatever force they used was defensive, rather than offensive. They did not see their advocacy of self-protection as "violence," per se .~3 The Deacons' rapid disappearance begs an explanation . Perhaps they dissipated as the character of the movement became more "violent" and more militant . In other words, it is possible that the movement outgrew the Deacons. Perhaps as the goals of the larger movement incorporated the ideals of the Deacons, the group no longer had a place within the movement ; no longer needed for protective purposes, the Deacons became obsolete . In the mid-to-late 1960x, fewer and fewer activists had qualms about self-defense, which became a common assumption for blacks, or about picking up a gun to further the aims of the movement--a trend due in large part to ~tivists such as the Deacons . It is also possible that the Deacons recoiled from public view because of ideological differences with other activists, exemplified by King's repudiation of the group and their own disillusionment with 81ack Power advocates . Sims claimed that the group had chapters all across the country, though COIIV'fELPRO FBI files do not confirm organization on a national level . The FBI carefully monitored black militant groups in major U.S . cities from 1967 on, and the Bureau did not record Deacons' activity in their files. Of course, absence from FBI files does not indicate that the Deacons did not exist in these areas. The FBI of the 1960's was thorough but imperfect, and simply because the FBI could not detect them does not mean the Deacons no longer existed. The Deacons' leadership insisted on the pervasiveness of ~~Noting that the Deacons toed the line of aggressive violence, Roy Rued ternxd the Deacons' means of dealing with the oppressor "noble belligerence ." See Reed, `"fhe Deacons, Too, Ride by Night," New York TimesMaw (August 13, 1965) : 22 . 142
the group . For example, an interviewer asked Robert Hicks in 1969 if the Deacons were still in existence, and how long they might continue. Hicks replied, "Well, I think this will probably be as long as black people are oppressed and the white man is still trying to use force to keep the black man down . . . The Deacons are still in existence today . . . still on call if anything would happen to a bl~k person in the community." ~4 Speculation regarding the disappearance of the Deacons points to the possibility that the organization did not disappear outright, but merely became translucent, incarnate in the black struggle for equality . Secrecy and indeterminate membership pertaining to the Deacons fortify this theory . Sims ominously sumused, "If push hadda come to shove, we were well covered." Essential in understanding their origins, defining the Deacons becomes essential in determining their fate as well . "Anytime aNegro and a white man have any kind of round up and the Negro decide he going to fight him back," Sims once said, "he's a Deacon ."'6 The Bogalusa president further complicated defining the organization by extending its membership to all those who stood up to "the man."~~ The Deacons ~4Robert Hicks, interviewed by Robert Wright, August 10, 1969, Bogalusa, Louisiana; Ralph J . Bunche Oral History Collection (Civil Rights Documentation Project), Moorland-Spingarn Research Center, Howard University . ~ SSims, quoted in Raines, My Soul is Rested, 421 . Adam Fairclough has noted that the Deacons deliberately inflated their numbers and armament for the purpose of detening the Klan . He estimates their membership to be "in the ~zens rather than the hundreds, and certainly not in the thousands." See Fairclough, Race & Democracy, 359. ~6Sims, quoted in Grant, Black Protest, 363 . nCompare with Malcolm X's definition of aMuslim: "A Muslim to us is somebody who is for the black man: I don't care if he gas to the Baptist church seven days aweek ." 14 3
- Page 113 and 114: qualities in themselves. Finally, a
- Page 115 and 116: someone is treating you in a crimin
- Page 117 and 118: "You can't take a black man who is
- Page 119 and 120: attacked . Now, fve never been the
- Page 121 and 122: have, he wondered, to stop the loca
- Page 123 and 124: precluded him from being involved.
- Page 125 and 126: Malcolm "proved" his detractors to
- Page 127 and 128: Malcolm reveled in ambivalence, and
- Page 129 and 130: While his views on integration, whi
- Page 131 and 132: He summed up his speoch by doclarin
- Page 133 and 134: journalist, labeled them "the South
- Page 135 and 136: shifted from Jonesbom to 8ogalusa,
- Page 137 and 138: cost. The struggle for black equali
- Page 139 and 140: point, the Deacons had ban quietly
- Page 141 and 142: Under the aegis of their charter an
- Page 143 and 144: them ; they were attuned to the law
- Page 145 and 146: the head, causing a gash . Leneva T
- Page 147 and 148: One thing is apparent in this year
- Page 149 and 150: mistake" ; the presence of the Deac
- Page 151 and 152: done:' Sims said, "we walked like m
- Page 153 and 154: he waa killedj, but I believe he wa
- Page 155 and 156: Events picked up across the border
- Page 157 and 158: they were bound to precipitate a ca
- Page 159 and 160: goals of the movement. A year later
- Page 161 and 162: Sellers noted that while King was f
- Page 163: things," he said. "Everybody want t
- Page 167 and 168: "Understand, the Deacons don't repl
- Page 169 and 170: quest for black equality, and chang
- Page 171 and 172: self-defense denotation from the of
- Page 173 and 174: Lowndes County lies in the heart of
- Page 175 and 176: "take over the courthouse" with sub
- Page 177 and 178: On Monday, November 7,1966, the nig
- Page 179 and 180: do anything violent ."~s But as the
- Page 181 and 182: To Carmichael, the Deacons for Defe
- Page 183 and 184: their perception in the media, and
- Page 185 and 186: considered the Panthers "a living t
- Page 187 and 188: legislator from Piedmont, specifica
- Page 189 and 190: Seale, the police were the enforcem
- Page 191 and 192: They also displayed a propensity to
- Page 193 and 194: Newton viewed violence as not simpl
- Page 195 and 196: Williams, a Panther. "We'd read Nat
- Page 197 and 198: Newton, Seale, and Cleaver had all
- Page 199 and 200: Simultaneously, they shouldered the
- Page 201 and 202: The Deacons for Defense and Justice
- Page 203 and 204: "The army turned on itself . . . Th
- Page 205 and 206: defense. He believed that no ruling
- Page 207 and 208: formulating their own . Coincidenta
- Page 209 and 210: exposed the actions of some policem
- Page 211 and 212: think in terms of armed conflict."~
- Page 213 and 214: and his band waylaid the Cleveland
Trey stressed that whatever force they used was defensive, rather than offensive. They<br />
did not see their advocacy of self-protection as "violence," per se .~3<br />
The Deacons' rapid disappearance begs an explanation . Perhaps they dissipated as<br />
the character of the movement became more "violent" <strong>and</strong> more militant . In other words,<br />
it is possible that the movement outgrew the Deacons. Perhaps as the goals of the larger<br />
movement incorporated the ideals of the Deacons, the group no longer had a place within<br />
the movement ; no longer needed for protective purposes, the Deacons became obsolete .<br />
In the mid-to-late 1960x, fewer <strong>and</strong> fewer activists had qualms about self-defense, which<br />
became a common assumption for blacks, or about picking up a gun to further the aims of<br />
the movement--a trend due in large part to ~tivists such as the Deacons . It is also<br />
possible that the Deacons recoiled from public view because of ideological differences<br />
with other activists, exemplified by King's repudiation of the group <strong>and</strong> their own<br />
disillusionment with 81ack Power advocates .<br />
Sims claimed that the group had chapters all across the country, though<br />
COIIV'fELPRO FBI files do not confirm organization on a national level . The FBI<br />
carefully monitored black militant groups in major U.S . cities from 1967 on, <strong>and</strong> the<br />
Bureau did not record Deacons' activity in their files. Of course, absence from FBI files<br />
does not indicate that the Deacons did not exist in these areas. The FBI of the 1960's was<br />
thorough but imperfect, <strong>and</strong> simply because the FBI could not detect them does not mean<br />
the Deacons no longer existed. The Deacons' leadership insisted on the pervasiveness of<br />
~~Noting that the Deacons toed the line of aggressive violence, Roy Rued ternxd the<br />
Deacons' means of dealing with the oppressor "noble belligerence ." See Reed, `"fhe<br />
Deacons, Too, Ride by Night," New York TimesMaw (August 13, 1965) : 22 .<br />
142