3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives

3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives 3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives

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Southern Regional Council, a moderate biracial committee on race relations, "it could mean the end of nonviolence in some areas of the South . Potentially, this is an extremely serious development, which could cause a wave of violence with national repercussions." Oull Sutton, associate director of another moderate group, the Arkansas Council on Human Relations, said : "Someday there's going to be a real bloodbath somewhere . I hate to say it, but by nature Negroes aren't any more nonviolent than anybody else ." 33 Segregationists shared the same sentiment. For example, W. J . Simmons, National Coordinator of the Citiuns Councils of America, predicted : "The Deacons will move southern whites toward more violence, besides costing the civil rights movement a lot of liberal sympathy in the North." A local Klansman offered : "If violence has to settle this, then the sooner the better." With regard to the Deacons, he said, "I don't care how many guns that bunch of black Mau Maus has, they don't have the prerequisite--guts ."~ On July l3, Governor John J. McKeithen, concerned with the damaging effect of demonstrations on the state's effort to attract northern industry to Louisiana, flew to Bogalusa to make a personal appeal for the cessation of protest activities for a thirty-day "cooling off period ." Promising that demonstrations would be "stepped up," Bogalusa's black leaders rejected the plea, saying that the governor offered "nothing in return ." 3s McKeithen washed his hands of the matter and lamented, "I think they have made a tragic 22 . 3sRoy Reed, "Negroes Reject 19ogalusa Truce," New York Times (July 14,1%S) : 1, 12 6

mistake" ; the presence of the Deacons, in his mind, would only "increase the possibility of violence."~ United States Vice-President Hubert Humphrey and John Doer, head of the Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department, participated in the negotiations--to little avail--via telephone . With stop-gap reform and apparent stalemate, protest efforts in Bogalusa ironically succeeded in that they finally garnered complete attention from state and national ofticials .~~ As the Deacons extended their reach, reaction to them extended too. On August 2, both the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and the Deacons prepared to move into the Greensboro, Alabama area . Two weeks prior, a small delegation of Deacons from Bogalusa visited Eutaw, twenty miles northwest of Greensboro, to talk with local blacks about establishing a Deacons chapter there . Like SNCC and CORE, the Deacons sought to organize where the Ku Klux Klan was strong . Their move into Greensboro foreshadowed not only future conflict with the Klan, but also with Martin Luther King, Jr. 3s By August 1965, the Deacons had moved into Arkansas and Texas, with plans to organize in Georgia, North Carolina, and Florida . A group calling itself "The Committee to Aid the Deacons" formed in Austin, Texas .39 In every instance, the formation of ~Zimmerman, "Race& Violence," The Wall Street Journal (July 12, 1%S): 15 . 3~Roy Reed, "Negroes Reject Bogalusa Truce," New York Times (July 14, 1%S) : 1, 22 . sesa "Deacons Defy Whites, Stay Armed Thruout, [sicJ" New York Amsterdam News (July 24,1%S) : 9 . 39See "Form New Group to Aid `Deacons,"' New York Amsterdam News (August 127

mistake" ; the presence of the Deacons, in his mind, would only "increase the possibility<br />

of violence."~ United States Vice-President Hubert Humphrey <strong>and</strong> John Doer, head of<br />

the Civil <strong>Rights</strong> Division of the Justice Department, participated in the negotiations--to<br />

little avail--via telephone . With stop-gap reform <strong>and</strong> apparent stalemate, protest efforts in<br />

Bogalusa ironically succeeded in that they finally garnered complete attention from state<br />

<strong>and</strong> national ofticials .~~<br />

As the Deacons extended their reach, reaction to them extended too. On August<br />

2, both the Southern Christian Leadership Conference <strong>and</strong> the Deacons prepared to move<br />

into the Greensboro, Alabama area . Two weeks prior, a small delegation of Deacons<br />

from Bogalusa visited Eutaw, twenty miles northwest of Greensboro, to talk with local<br />

blacks about establishing a Deacons chapter there . Like SNCC <strong>and</strong> CORE, the Deacons<br />

sought to organize where the Ku Klux Klan was strong . Their move into Greensboro<br />

foreshadowed not only future conflict with the Klan, but also with Martin Luther King,<br />

Jr. 3s<br />

By August 1965, the Deacons had moved into Arkansas <strong>and</strong> Texas, with plans to<br />

organize in Georgia, North Carolina, <strong>and</strong> Florida . A group calling itself "The Committee<br />

to Aid the Deacons" formed in Austin, Texas .39 In every instance, the formation of<br />

~Zimmerman, "Race& Violence," The Wall Street Journal (July 12, 1%S): 15 .<br />

3~Roy Reed, "Negroes Reject Bogalusa Truce," New York Times (July 14, 1%S) : 1,<br />

22 .<br />

sesa "Deacons Defy Whites, Stay Armed Thruout, [sicJ" New York Amsterdam<br />

News (July 24,1%S) : 9 .<br />

39See "Form New Group to Aid `Deacons,"' New York Amsterdam News (August<br />

127

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