3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives 3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives
As in Montgomery, civil rights agitation in Birmingham raised the possibility of not only retaliation by blacks but also violent revolt by them. King exploited this fear to advance the movement. In a newspaper column in New York Amsterdam News, he cautioned that blacks would remain nonviolent "only so long." His famous "Letter from Birmingham City Jail," written on scrap paper and smuggled out of the jail, similarly warned that without progress toward eradicating segregation, "a frightening racial nightmare" could arise from blacks resorting to "black-nationalist ideologies ." n King again redefined nonviolence as a sunwogate for wanton violence, and in doing so, reaffirmed the either/or rationale of the violent/nonviolent dichotomy . Nonviolence originally represented an expression of theological commitment to peace, but King, in pleading for reconciliation and brotherhood in Birmingham, redefined it as an alternative to violence by blacks towani white aggressors. The events in Birmingham-along with the assassination of NAACP field secretary Medgar Evers in Jackson, Mississippi on June 12,1963-sparked debate regarding the role of self-defense in the struggle for black equality among civil rights activists in the Deep South . Indeed, self-defense became a focal point in Mississippi during the Summer Project of 1964 (Freedom Summer) . Activists rankled at the prospect of being locked into King's plan for nonviolent resistance in any locale, under any circumstances . For example, Bob Zellner and Clarcnce Robinson, both members of the Council of Federated Organizations (COFO), debated the virtues of self-defense at Gnoenwood's Friendship Church. "It has been proven time and time again," Robinson argued, "that when a man fights back he is not 2'King, "Letter from Birmingham Jail," Why We Can't Wait (New York : Signet, 1963), 87 . This letter has been reprinted numerous times in various sources . 96
attacked . Now, fve never been the one to start a fight. But if someone is pushing me, I have to defend myself. You got to learn to stay flexible, to fight when you have to, but QpLy when you have to ." Zellner conceded Robinson's viewpoint by paraphrasing Gandhi : "If you can't be nonviolent, be violent rather than a coward ." But he had also pledged himself to nonviolence, whatever that entailed. `"fhe way I am ;' Zellner said, "fd flatten anybody who came at me on the street . But when you're pledged to the discipline of a mass movement, you got to behave as you promised." is Gun-toting was pervasive in rural Mississippi communities, as evidenced by a memorandum Mary King, a SNCC organizer, wrote in August, 1964, in regard to Hartman Turnbow, a local activist from Holmes County . Mr . Hartman Turnbow eeprcsents the landed gentry of the movement . Holmes County is 70 percent Negro, and 70 percent of the land in this county is owned by Negroes. Coming south from Tchula, his house is across railroad tracks just before you turn left to the Mileston community center . . . aet directions or an escort as he may shoot. It was SNCC's policy to conform to laal custom, and let local people star organizing efforts in a given community ; but, because many SNCC workers considered themselves to be "nonviolent," the issue of self-defense proved problematic in this regard . The central question facing SNCC, as Mary King explained in her autobiography, was : should SNCC organizers follow a policy of nonviolence or have permission to arm themselves for self- defense when necessary? ZsSally Belfrage, Freedom Summer (New York : Viking Press, 1965), 174176 . Mary King, Freedom Song : A Personal Story of the 1960s Civil Rights Movement (New York: William Morrow and Co.,1987), 319 . 3°j ice, 322 . 97
- Page 67 and 68: slavery and oppression . Tire Negro
- Page 69 and 70: S-6 . at the heart of his nonviolen
- Page 71 and 72: act : anyone who would utilize nonv
- Page 73 and 74: folkways . Because they believed th
- Page 75 and 76: the South, found themselves spearhe
- Page 77 and 78: Brown ." sa That same month, Willia
- Page 79 and 80: pumping hundrr~ds of thousands of d
- Page 81 and 82: making better men either of themsel
- Page 83 and 84: He likened racism to a disease, a m
- Page 85 and 86: escalated . Rioting broke out. Then
- Page 87 and 88: Williams' ideas came to fruition in
- Page 89 and 90: When juxtaposed with the ideas of M
- Page 91 and 92: But if Willisms "made just as much
- Page 93 and 94: Whatever his place in prevailing hi
- Page 95 and 96: thinking merit special attention by
- Page 97 and 98: The women propared food, and served
- Page 99 and 100: candidate for county representative
- Page 101 and 102: tide of nonviolent diroct action ;
- Page 103 and 104: the sheriff again and told him that
- Page 105 and 106: characterized by hatred or meanness
- Page 107 and 108: terms of "`violence' versus `nonvio
- Page 109 and 110: than as separate entities, seenKd q
- Page 111 and 112: The best descriptor of Malcolm X wa
- Page 113 and 114: qualities in themselves. Finally, a
- Page 115 and 116: someone is treating you in a crimin
- Page 117: "You can't take a black man who is
- Page 121 and 122: have, he wondered, to stop the loca
- Page 123 and 124: precluded him from being involved.
- Page 125 and 126: Malcolm "proved" his detractors to
- Page 127 and 128: Malcolm reveled in ambivalence, and
- Page 129 and 130: While his views on integration, whi
- Page 131 and 132: He summed up his speoch by doclarin
- Page 133 and 134: journalist, labeled them "the South
- Page 135 and 136: shifted from Jonesbom to 8ogalusa,
- Page 137 and 138: cost. The struggle for black equali
- Page 139 and 140: point, the Deacons had ban quietly
- Page 141 and 142: Under the aegis of their charter an
- Page 143 and 144: them ; they were attuned to the law
- Page 145 and 146: the head, causing a gash . Leneva T
- Page 147 and 148: One thing is apparent in this year
- Page 149 and 150: mistake" ; the presence of the Deac
- Page 151 and 152: done:' Sims said, "we walked like m
- Page 153 and 154: he waa killedj, but I believe he wa
- Page 155 and 156: Events picked up across the border
- Page 157 and 158: they were bound to precipitate a ca
- Page 159 and 160: goals of the movement. A year later
- Page 161 and 162: Sellers noted that while King was f
- Page 163 and 164: things," he said. "Everybody want t
- Page 165 and 166: the group . For example, an intervi
- Page 167 and 168: "Understand, the Deacons don't repl
attacked . Now, fve never been the one to start a fight. But if someone is pushing me, I have<br />
to defend myself. You got to learn to stay flexible, to fight when you have to, but QpLy when<br />
you have to ." Zellner conceded Robinson's viewpoint by paraphrasing G<strong>and</strong>hi : "If you can't<br />
be nonviolent, be violent rather than a coward ." But he had also pledged himself to<br />
nonviolence, whatever that entailed. `"fhe way I am ;' Zellner said, "fd flatten anybody who<br />
came at me on the street . But when you're pledged to the discipline of a mass movement,<br />
you got to behave as you promised." is Gun-toting was pervasive in rural Mississippi<br />
communities, as evidenced by a memor<strong>and</strong>um Mary King, a SNCC organizer, wrote in<br />
August, 1964, in regard to Hartman Turnbow, a local activist from Holmes County .<br />
Mr . Hartman Turnbow eeprcsents the l<strong>and</strong>ed gentry of the movement . Holmes<br />
County is 70 percent Negro, <strong>and</strong> 70 percent of the l<strong>and</strong> in this county is owned by<br />
Negroes. Coming south from Tchula, his house is across railroad tracks just before<br />
you turn left to the Mileston community center . . . aet directions or an escort as he<br />
may shoot.<br />
It was SNCC's policy to conform to laal custom, <strong>and</strong> let local people star organizing efforts<br />
in a given community ; but, because many SNCC workers considered themselves to be<br />
"nonviolent," the issue of self-defense proved problematic in this regard . The central<br />
question facing SNCC, as Mary King explained in her autobiography, was : should SNCC<br />
organizers follow a policy of nonviolence or have permission to arm themselves for self-<br />
defense when necessary?<br />
ZsSally Belfrage, <strong>Freedom</strong> Summer (New York : Viking Press, 1965), 174176 .<br />
Mary King, <strong>Freedom</strong> Song : A Personal Story of the 1960s Civil <strong>Rights</strong> Movement<br />
(New York: William Morrow <strong>and</strong> Co.,1987), 319 .<br />
3°j ice, 322 .<br />
97