3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives

3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives 3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives

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As in Montgomery, civil rights agitation in Birmingham raised the possibility of not only retaliation by blacks but also violent revolt by them. King exploited this fear to advance the movement. In a newspaper column in New York Amsterdam News, he cautioned that blacks would remain nonviolent "only so long." His famous "Letter from Birmingham City Jail," written on scrap paper and smuggled out of the jail, similarly warned that without progress toward eradicating segregation, "a frightening racial nightmare" could arise from blacks resorting to "black-nationalist ideologies ." n King again redefined nonviolence as a sunwogate for wanton violence, and in doing so, reaffirmed the either/or rationale of the violent/nonviolent dichotomy . Nonviolence originally represented an expression of theological commitment to peace, but King, in pleading for reconciliation and brotherhood in Birmingham, redefined it as an alternative to violence by blacks towani white aggressors. The events in Birmingham-along with the assassination of NAACP field secretary Medgar Evers in Jackson, Mississippi on June 12,1963-sparked debate regarding the role of self-defense in the struggle for black equality among civil rights activists in the Deep South . Indeed, self-defense became a focal point in Mississippi during the Summer Project of 1964 (Freedom Summer) . Activists rankled at the prospect of being locked into King's plan for nonviolent resistance in any locale, under any circumstances . For example, Bob Zellner and Clarcnce Robinson, both members of the Council of Federated Organizations (COFO), debated the virtues of self-defense at Gnoenwood's Friendship Church. "It has been proven time and time again," Robinson argued, "that when a man fights back he is not 2'King, "Letter from Birmingham Jail," Why We Can't Wait (New York : Signet, 1963), 87 . This letter has been reprinted numerous times in various sources . 96

attacked . Now, fve never been the one to start a fight. But if someone is pushing me, I have to defend myself. You got to learn to stay flexible, to fight when you have to, but QpLy when you have to ." Zellner conceded Robinson's viewpoint by paraphrasing Gandhi : "If you can't be nonviolent, be violent rather than a coward ." But he had also pledged himself to nonviolence, whatever that entailed. `"fhe way I am ;' Zellner said, "fd flatten anybody who came at me on the street . But when you're pledged to the discipline of a mass movement, you got to behave as you promised." is Gun-toting was pervasive in rural Mississippi communities, as evidenced by a memorandum Mary King, a SNCC organizer, wrote in August, 1964, in regard to Hartman Turnbow, a local activist from Holmes County . Mr . Hartman Turnbow eeprcsents the landed gentry of the movement . Holmes County is 70 percent Negro, and 70 percent of the land in this county is owned by Negroes. Coming south from Tchula, his house is across railroad tracks just before you turn left to the Mileston community center . . . aet directions or an escort as he may shoot. It was SNCC's policy to conform to laal custom, and let local people star organizing efforts in a given community ; but, because many SNCC workers considered themselves to be "nonviolent," the issue of self-defense proved problematic in this regard . The central question facing SNCC, as Mary King explained in her autobiography, was : should SNCC organizers follow a policy of nonviolence or have permission to arm themselves for self- defense when necessary? ZsSally Belfrage, Freedom Summer (New York : Viking Press, 1965), 174176 . Mary King, Freedom Song : A Personal Story of the 1960s Civil Rights Movement (New York: William Morrow and Co.,1987), 319 . 3°j ice, 322 . 97

attacked . Now, fve never been the one to start a fight. But if someone is pushing me, I have<br />

to defend myself. You got to learn to stay flexible, to fight when you have to, but QpLy when<br />

you have to ." Zellner conceded Robinson's viewpoint by paraphrasing G<strong>and</strong>hi : "If you can't<br />

be nonviolent, be violent rather than a coward ." But he had also pledged himself to<br />

nonviolence, whatever that entailed. `"fhe way I am ;' Zellner said, "fd flatten anybody who<br />

came at me on the street . But when you're pledged to the discipline of a mass movement,<br />

you got to behave as you promised." is Gun-toting was pervasive in rural Mississippi<br />

communities, as evidenced by a memor<strong>and</strong>um Mary King, a SNCC organizer, wrote in<br />

August, 1964, in regard to Hartman Turnbow, a local activist from Holmes County .<br />

Mr . Hartman Turnbow eeprcsents the l<strong>and</strong>ed gentry of the movement . Holmes<br />

County is 70 percent Negro, <strong>and</strong> 70 percent of the l<strong>and</strong> in this county is owned by<br />

Negroes. Coming south from Tchula, his house is across railroad tracks just before<br />

you turn left to the Mileston community center . . . aet directions or an escort as he<br />

may shoot.<br />

It was SNCC's policy to conform to laal custom, <strong>and</strong> let local people star organizing efforts<br />

in a given community ; but, because many SNCC workers considered themselves to be<br />

"nonviolent," the issue of self-defense proved problematic in this regard . The central<br />

question facing SNCC, as Mary King explained in her autobiography, was : should SNCC<br />

organizers follow a policy of nonviolence or have permission to arm themselves for self-<br />

defense when necessary?<br />

ZsSally Belfrage, <strong>Freedom</strong> Summer (New York : Viking Press, 1965), 174176 .<br />

Mary King, <strong>Freedom</strong> Song : A Personal Story of the 1960s Civil <strong>Rights</strong> Movement<br />

(New York: William Morrow <strong>and</strong> Co.,1987), 319 .<br />

3°j ice, 322 .<br />

97

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