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3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives

3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives

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The public's desire for simplicity, as reflated by his treatment in the media,<br />

consistently cast Malcolm X in a posture of aggression . He never advocated wanton<br />

violence, but it seemed that the American public-whites in particular, but many blacks,<br />

too-could underst<strong>and</strong> him only in opposition to what they perceived as the pacifism of<br />

Martin Luther King, Jr . This juxtaposition with King made Malcolm seem, to many white<br />

observers, a violent <strong>and</strong> unreasonable ogre . The violent/nonviolent dichotomy tended to box<br />

King into a defense of nonviolence as it constrained Malcolm within a figurative cage of<br />

violence .<br />

For each, the question of violence boiled down to a question of ends <strong>and</strong> means . For<br />

Malcolm, self-defense was a matter of "plain, common sense ."~ 2 For King, any form of<br />

violence was as much immoral as it was impractical . Violence was evil . The end is always<br />

pre-existent in the means ; therefore, for King, violence could never serve a good end . King's<br />

deep commitment to the brotherhood of man clinched his adoption of nonviolence, but a<br />

certain degree of pragmatism <strong>and</strong> cold realism also drove King to nonviolence . As a<br />

nume~cal minority, violent revolution was an impossibility for black Americans in the<br />

United States . Numbers <strong>and</strong> material resources prohibited long-term violent rebellion by<br />

black Americans.~3 King was aware of these variables, as was Malcolm ; therefore, there had<br />

to be another way . The key for Malcolm, as it was for Robert Williams <strong>and</strong> others, was self-<br />

defense .<br />

~2John Henrik Clarke, ed ., Malcolm X: The Man <strong>and</strong> His Times (New York : Collier<br />

Books, 1969), 197 .<br />

~3For more on King's sense of the futility of revolution, which he called "blatantly<br />

illogical," see King, Where Do We Go From Herr?, 58-59.<br />

88

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