3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives

3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives 3. Strain, Christopher Barry. “Civil Rights and ... - Freedom Archives

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Panther Party, illustrates how some activists used self-defense to justify other kinds of violence . As a reprise, the epilogue offers some conclusions and presents a new model for conceptualizing the struggle for black equality ; it also meats Robert Williams' life in exile, his return to the United States, and the surprising eulogy Rosa Parks delivered at his funeral . The central questions of this study are : How did a position of "violence ;' which to many included the use of force in self-protection, become marginalized when in fact most black people saw self-defense as common sense? What part did self-defense play in the civil rights movement during the years 1955-1968? To frame this inquiry, I have included a number of events and personalities familiar to students of black history, such as the bombing of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, and Rosa Parks, who courageously launched the modern-day civil rights movement in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1955 . While they have been written about and discussed thoroughly in other sources, these inclusions, as recognizable signposts along the circuitous path of black equality, help to emphasize the importance of self-defense . Specifically, Parks' actions in Montgomery in 1955 and her words forty-one years later at Robert Williams' funeral symbolically bracket the story of civil rights and self-defense . In addressing what this dissertation attempts, it might prove fruitful to address what it does not attempt . It is a treatise on armed self-defense by black Americans in the 1950's and 1960's. While it deals with themes of violence and its consequences, it is not a generalized discussion of violence in the movement : neither that done~ protestors nor them . It is not a full-scale analysis of the doctrines and ethical dimensions of ix

nonviolence . It is not a complete treatment of the civil disturbances (or uprisings, or urban rebellions, or riots, as they have been incongruously labeled) in America's metropolitan areas during this time, nor is it a full discussion of revolution in the 1960's . It is not meant to be a comprehensive analysis of the civil rights movement ; rather, it is intended to fill in what I see as gaps in the existing historiography, particularly with regard to the question of self-defense . Discussions of these other topics arc limited to the extent that they relate to self-defense. In many ways, this study picks up where Harold Cruse's Crisis of the Negro Intellectual (1967) leaves off. My intent is to supplement, not replace . A few definitions may also prove helpful here. Self-defense "is about repelling 'See Harold Cruse, The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual (New York: William Morrow & Co., 1967), 347-401 . In this epochal work on black thought in the 1960's, Cruse includes a chapter entitled "'The Intellectuals and Force and Violence," which briefly discusses the phenomenon of armed self-defense. `"The issue of armed selfdefense," he writes, "as projected by [Robert] Williams in 1959, presaged the emergence of other factors deeply hidden within the Negro movement," namely latent revolutionary nationalism . Cruse at one point mischaracterizes self-defense as "retaliatory," but shrewdly points out that, as essentially a "holding action," it cannot be revolutionary by itself. He also includes a chapter entitled "From Monroe to Watts," in which he asserts (without explanation) that the "Watts uprising carried the concept of armed self-defense to its logical and ultimate extreme ." Cruse calls for a scholarly treatment of the subject. "The faulty analysis of the meaning of armed self-defense has encouraged an extreme form of one-sided activism that leads to blind alleys and dead ends ." He suggests that a failure to understand the implications of self-defense contributed to the undoing of the civil rights movement itself. "Faulty analysis of self-defense as a tactic has served to block a serious consideration of the necessity to cultivate strategies on the political, economic, and cultural fronts," he writes. "It has inspired such premature organizations as revolutionary action movements and black liberation fronts, which come into being with naively one-sided, limited programs, all proving to be abortive and shoR-lived."

Panther Party, illustrates how some activists used self-defense to justify other kinds of<br />

violence . As a reprise, the epilogue offers some conclusions <strong>and</strong> presents a new model<br />

for conceptualizing the struggle for black equality ; it also meats Robert Williams' life in<br />

exile, his return to the United States, <strong>and</strong> the surprising eulogy Rosa Parks delivered at<br />

his funeral .<br />

The central questions of this study are : How did a position of "violence ;' which to<br />

many included the use of force in self-protection, become marginalized when in fact most<br />

black people saw self-defense as common sense? What part did self-defense play in the<br />

civil rights movement during the years 1955-1968? To frame this inquiry, I have<br />

included a number of events <strong>and</strong> personalities familiar to students of black history, such<br />

as the bombing of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, <strong>and</strong> Rosa Parks,<br />

who courageously launched the modern-day civil rights movement in Montgomery,<br />

Alabama, in 1955 . While they have been written about <strong>and</strong> discussed thoroughly in other<br />

sources, these inclusions, as recognizable signposts along the circuitous path of black<br />

equality, help to emphasize the importance of self-defense . Specifically, Parks' actions in<br />

Montgomery in 1955 <strong>and</strong> her words forty-one years later at Robert Williams' funeral<br />

symbolically bracket the story of civil rights <strong>and</strong> self-defense .<br />

In addressing what this dissertation attempts, it might prove fruitful to address<br />

what it does not attempt . It is a treatise on armed self-defense by black Americans in the<br />

1950's <strong>and</strong> 1960's. While it deals with themes of violence <strong>and</strong> its consequences, it is not<br />

a generalized discussion of violence in the movement : neither that done~ protestors nor<br />

them . It is not a full-scale analysis of the doctrines <strong>and</strong> ethical dimensions of<br />

ix

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