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Negro Digest - Freedom Archives

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ment of a plan to hire 200 Black<br />

professors by Fall 1969 ) .<br />

Last, there is the problem of<br />

definition . If Lyndon Johnson<br />

could co-opt the civil rights thrust<br />

deceitfully smiling as he proclaimed,<br />

"We shall overcome,"<br />

then Black people ought to watch<br />

out . If the United <strong>Negro</strong> College<br />

Fund could place an ad in the New<br />

York Times portraying a <strong>Negro</strong> in<br />

cap and gown with the caption,<br />

"Black Power," then Black people<br />

ought to watch out . But, normally,<br />

colonial forces are the first to move<br />

in on ideological concepts (Note<br />

the emasculated verison of the class<br />

conflict as compared to what Karl<br />

Marx meant in the Manifesto)<br />

. . . Only after a few foundation<br />

grants and a few conferences for<br />

whites is it normally possible for<br />

<strong>Negro</strong>es to use the term-and then<br />

it is often psychologically difficult<br />

for them to say it without perjorative<br />

gesticulations .<br />

Terminological cooptation is a<br />

process to confuse the ideological<br />

struggle for popular support . We<br />

must always be aware of the need<br />

for clarity and we must never hesitate<br />

to provide an understandable<br />

analysis for any group of our people<br />

. And now, having looked at the<br />

dangers, we ought to examine the<br />

positive ideological basis for our<br />

struggle .<br />

(4) Ideological Guidelines for<br />

Struggle<br />

There are five ideological guidelines<br />

that fit these discussions,<br />

though it is in the course of strug-<br />

NEGRO DIGEST March 1969<br />

gle itself that we will define what<br />

is ultimately necessary for our liberation<br />

. These must be as free as<br />

possible of the above listed dangers<br />

.<br />

(A ) African identity: No other<br />

identification is as close to our history<br />

and as far from our oppressors<br />

. The term "Afro-American"<br />

still somehow legitimates the hell of<br />

America and separates us through<br />

generations from Africa. Our identity<br />

as Africans is based on the<br />

utility it has for struggle . Only by<br />

recognizing the alien character of<br />

this country (even though it is<br />

sometimes tolerable because of our<br />

contribut; ns to it) can we ever<br />

hope to successfully wage the revolutionary<br />

struggle .<br />

(B) Operational Unity : While<br />

it is obvious that one all-inclusive<br />

organization for Black people<br />

would be impossible to build, it is<br />

not impossible to move toward<br />

coalitions of groups . Most national<br />

liberation struggles have been<br />

based on the operational unity of<br />

a diverse set of organizations . And<br />

we can see moves in this direction<br />

with the Black Congress in Los<br />

Angeles, the United Black Front in<br />

Washington, D. C., the Black Congress<br />

in Chicago, and the attempt<br />

to build a Black People's Alliance<br />

in Atlanta. We must work cooperatively<br />

on common goals in order to<br />

utilize all resources, and "for their<br />

thousand blows deal one death<br />

blow ."<br />

(Continued on page 89)<br />

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