Negro Digest - Freedom Archives
Negro Digest - Freedom Archives Negro Digest - Freedom Archives
cal exercise, but is intended as a working paper for all Black people interested in that ideological struggle to understand more fully the correct direction toward liberation. We are mainly concerned with four basic questions : (1) What are the ideological bases of conflict concerning the liberation struggle for Black people? (2)What-How- Why are certain institutions playing significant roles in the development of the concept of the Black University? ( 3 ) What are some of the dangers of Neo-colonial racist pacification? and (4) What is the correct ideological basis of our Black struggle toward liberation? After providing a working definition of each ideological position, the meaning of each will be examined through the workings of five institutional contexts related to the concept of the Black University . By examining several major trends, based on the two opposite positions we hope to clarify certain dangers to our struggle and also we hope to begin to underscore guidelines for our liberation struggle . l. The Ideological Bases of Racial Conflict in the United States Most previous formulations of the ideological bases of racial conflict in the United States suffer from liberal assumptions-illusions . Black people were to be dealt with as either a topic of intergroup (human) relations or of minority group relations. This was somehow related to the white man's message that everything would be 16 cool anyway since we all live in a melting pot . Also, the only acceptable (responsible) approach to change was limited to the dictates of the system, obviously the same system responsible for our oppression . Strange forms of racist social darwinisms lurk through this society and haunt us as we will to be free . This type of formulation is inadequate (surprise, surprise) because it is simply a function of this society and its white owners, and has little to do with where Black people are and where we want to go . But Black Nationalism has never been legitimate in the United States since legitimacy was also a function of white nationalism serving to support white supremacy . So, a major illusion was to propagate integration as the only legitimate goal for Black people . The integrationists (used to-still) say that the problem is that some white people, who are from the old school, will learn in time and will support what is right . Every major alternative pointed essentially to the "white-is-right" theory, while much of our Black reality was either suppressed or ignored . Black Nationalism is an idea whose time has come, and with it has come the obvious need to reformulate the structure of our ideological struggle . Struggle throughout the Third World has helped free us from the American integration myth . We have come to know of colonial- March 1969 NEGRO DIGEST
ism, and we are becoming aware that we are a colonized people living in the very bowels of the monster . Our presence in this country is the result of an illegitimate political process whose most damaging contemporary effect is to convince us of our birthright to citizenship (ha! ), to call us to be patriotic, and to put us eagerly to work to uphold this system . Many of us have merely been made to internalize the overseer's whip and thus to control ourselves . Indeed, we are a colonized people . The key problem, then, is to isolate the major ideological forces which undergird the system and those opposing it, our ideological forces . Today we know the American system for what it is, neocolonial racism functioning to pacify Black people and to influence Black affairs with revisionary subversion . The system is racist because "white is still right," and Black people have never been dealt with as people;slavery has not been paid for, which means that we are interpreted as either just becoming white enough to be considered people, or that we are merely being tolerated until someone figures out what to do with us (or does it! ) . A siriple example of neo-colonialism is when a "Negro" is sent to manage and control Black people in place of a white cat, though the basic job assignment is the same for either . The most progressive Black ideological forces constitute Revo- NEGRO DIGEST Mareh 1969 lutionary Pan-African Nationalism . Nationalism is beliefs/emotions of racial solidarity and pride . Pan- African Nationalism emphasizes two important points for our identity and struggle : (1) All Black people are African, wherever they are . We are Africans colonized in the Americas . (2) All Africans must unite against our common enemy (and join Third World liberation struggles) . Our ideology must be revolutionary as we fight a colonialist system . Our goal is to destroy it and to replace it with a system that speaks to our needs . To quote a brother : "We don't believe that what we want is better than what others have, we just believe it has got to be better for us." And if two aren't possible, we'll fight to the death for ours since death of a kind is our fate in any case . So the ideological conflict is between forces designed to keep us loyal to the system oppressing us, or to make sure that we cannot get ourselves together to do something about it, and the forces of liberation designed to reunite a separated people, to mobilize the will of a people to liberate itself from racist colonial bondage with giant steps toward New Africa . 2 . Role of Institutions The ideological conflict is best understood by examining the role of certain institutions (and not the role of particular people, as we are so often tricked into believing) . This is particularly true when we're 1 7
- Page 65 and 66: Since sufficient teachers cannot be
- Page 67 and 68: NEW PROGRAMS AND EXPERIMENTATION Th
- Page 69 and 70: TRUSTEES If I seem indifferent to t
- Page 71 and 72: years when '`Christian character an
- Page 73 and 74: leaders and professors posing as mi
- Page 75 and 76: out of "The Punch Out" and other st
- Page 77 and 78: penniless writer, he travels the ga
- Page 79 and 80: No doubt about it, Mr . Williams ca
- Page 81 and 82: esearch crying for the kind of clar
- Page 83 and 84: lightly as Western intellectual imp
- Page 85 and 86: as a white man with a similar educa
- Page 87 and 88: lacks are better off, but we must a
- Page 89 and 90: income blacks and better for the mi
- Page 91 and 92: compared to white men had not impro
- Page 93 and 94: "iON ONYE LOCKARD is a selftaught a
- Page 95 and 96: Plea ForA Second Chance : Work-worn
- Page 97 and 98: That something is gravely wrong wit
- Page 99 and 100: THE DUKE NATURAL SET MAlR SHEEN lea
- Page 101 and 102: Edgar F . Beck Vincent Hard min E .
- Page 103 and 104: C®i'y~'>~' i'tw'~'~ Editor's Notes
- Page 105 and 106: An Open Letter to Black Students in
- Page 107 and 108: mentarily bolstered (or our minds m
- Page 109 and 110: plications of such attitudes as you
- Page 111 and 112: 7 . Have you given serious thought
- Page 113 and 114: of white institutions that there si
- Page 115: Platform and Program S HL "Today we
- Page 119 and 120: New agencies for Black education (A
- Page 121 and 122: ment of a plan to hire 200 Black pr
- Page 123 and 124: people in their struggle toward a c
- Page 125 and 126: else suggests that the group is bac
- Page 127 and 128: e established far Black students th
- Page 129 and 130: A Dual Responsibility The White Uni
- Page 131 and 132: a situation in a different manner w
- Page 133 and 134: Black Perspective A cU~TU~~L, ~~~I~
- Page 135 and 136: life-style, yet they persist in the
- Page 137 and 138: plex (a viable institution in that
- Page 139 and 140: The Positiveness of Separation BL~C
- Page 141 and 142: white students are, except that wha
- Page 143 and 144: did) to thesis students who then gr
- Page 145 and 146: Roach, Harold Cruse, Rhody Mc- Coy,
- Page 147 and 148: conferees attempted to eject white
- Page 149 and 150: ~. iii1~i-i Black Life, White "Expe
- Page 151 and 152: BOOKS Black Writing : this is u, th
- Page 153 and 154: Grow old? Maan! I ain't never Gonna
- Page 155 and 156: answering ; "Monday. That is if tha
- Page 157 and 158: at a time when the ratio of Negro d
- Page 159 and 160: A Special Experience xox .a~, xi .:
- Page 161 and 162: to comment that I was a typical cre
- Page 163 and 164: students said, "Didn't Malcolm prea
- Page 165 and 166: What I did object to was the effort
cal exercise, but is intended as a<br />
working paper for all Black people<br />
interested in that ideological struggle<br />
to understand more fully the<br />
correct direction toward liberation.<br />
We are mainly concerned with<br />
four basic questions : (1) What are<br />
the ideological bases of conflict<br />
concerning the liberation struggle<br />
for Black people? (2)What-How-<br />
Why are certain institutions playing<br />
significant roles in the development<br />
of the concept of the Black University?<br />
( 3 ) What are some of the<br />
dangers of Neo-colonial racist pacification?<br />
and (4) What is the correct<br />
ideological basis of our Black<br />
struggle toward liberation? After<br />
providing a working definition of<br />
each ideological position, the<br />
meaning of each will be examined<br />
through the workings of five institutional<br />
contexts related to the<br />
concept of the Black University .<br />
By examining several major trends,<br />
based on the two opposite positions<br />
we hope to clarify certain dangers<br />
to our struggle and also we hope to<br />
begin to underscore guidelines for<br />
our liberation struggle .<br />
l. The Ideological Bases of Racial<br />
Conflict in the United States<br />
Most previous formulations of<br />
the ideological bases of racial conflict<br />
in the United States suffer from<br />
liberal assumptions-illusions . Black<br />
people were to be dealt with as<br />
either a topic of intergroup (human)<br />
relations or of minority<br />
group relations. This was somehow<br />
related to the white man's<br />
message that everything would be<br />
16<br />
cool anyway since we all live in<br />
a melting pot . Also, the only acceptable<br />
(responsible) approach<br />
to change was limited to the dictates<br />
of the system, obviously the<br />
same system responsible for our<br />
oppression . Strange forms of racist<br />
social darwinisms lurk through this<br />
society and haunt us as we will to<br />
be free . This type of formulation<br />
is inadequate (surprise, surprise)<br />
because it is simply a function of<br />
this society and its white owners,<br />
and has little to do with where<br />
Black people are and where we<br />
want to go .<br />
But Black Nationalism has never<br />
been legitimate in the United<br />
States since legitimacy was also a<br />
function of white nationalism serving<br />
to support white supremacy .<br />
So, a major illusion was to propagate<br />
integration as the only legitimate<br />
goal for Black people . The<br />
integrationists (used to-still) say<br />
that the problem is that some white<br />
people, who are from the old<br />
school, will learn in time and will<br />
support what is right . Every major<br />
alternative pointed essentially to<br />
the "white-is-right" theory, while<br />
much of our Black reality was<br />
either suppressed or ignored . Black<br />
Nationalism is an idea whose time<br />
has come, and with it has come the<br />
obvious need to reformulate the<br />
structure of our ideological struggle<br />
.<br />
Struggle throughout the Third<br />
World has helped free us from the<br />
American integration myth . We<br />
have come to know of colonial-<br />
March 1969 NEGRO DIGEST