Gender Land and Conflict Minimization in the Pacific - Pacific ...

Review of the Gender Dimensions of Land-Based 

Conflict in the Pacific 

Gayle Nelson, Nagada Consultants 

Land Management and Conflict Minimisation Sub-Project 2.6 

The Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat LMCM project is supported by AusAID and UNDP

Disclaimer 

This paper was commissioned as an independent consultancy report by the Pacific Islands Forum 

Secretariat. The views and opinions presented in this report are those of the author(s). The 

Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat bears no responsibility for the accuracy of the facts represented 

in this report. 

2 Gender Dimensions of Land-Based Conflict

Preface 

The Land Management and Conflict Minimisation Project (LMCM) is an initiative of the Pacific 

Islands Forum Secretariat (PIFS) that was endorsed by the Forum Regional Security Committee 

and the Forum Officials Committee in 2006. The project focuses on the interlinkages between 

land management and conflict minimisation, and approaches land issues in the Pacific from a 

holistic point of view, combining both economic development and conflict prevention 

perspectives. The recognition of the centrality of customary land tenure in the lives of the people 

of the Pacific is the key underlying principle upon which the LMCM project is founded. 

The first phase of the LMCM project has comprised a review of national, regional and 

international literature. This review has resulted in ten sub-project reports. In 2008, these reports 

were drawn together into a synthesis report Improving Access to Customary Land and 

Maintaining Social Harmony in the Pacific, including 12 Guiding Principles and a suggested 

Implementation Framework to provide guidance to Pacific Islands Forum countries in land 

management whilst ensuring the minimising of land-related conflict. 

The 2008 Pacific Islands Forum Annual Leaders meeting endorsed the importance of addressing 

these issues, and endorsed the Principles and Framework where appropriate. Whilst stressing the 

fact that land management is a national issue, Leaders instructed the Secretariat of the Pacific 

Community (SPC) and the Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat to develop a regional initiative 

under the Pacific Plan to support members to progress land management and conflict 

minimisation efforts. 


Summary of Terms of Reference of sub project 2.6: Review of the 

Gender Dimensions of Land based Conflict in the Pacific 

Objective of the consultancy 

To document, review and critically analyse the gender dimensions of land based conflict in the 

Pacific. 

Specific tasks 

The consultant is expected to: 

Review existing literature, reports and statistics on gender dimensions of land based 

conflict in the Pacific. In doing so, the consultant is expected to draw largely from the 

outcomes of Components 1-3 of the wider Gender and Land Research project to 

extrapolate and summarise findings of that research from a conflict lens. The consultant 

is expected to liaise closely with the wider Gender and Land Research team in this 

regard. 

Undertake a detailed analysis of how gender impacts, or could potentially impact, on land 

based conflicts and/or vice-versa. 

Conduct a gender analysis of existing land conflict resolution mechanisms and processes 

in use to assess their gender-sensitivity and gender-responsiveness, through review of 

documents and interviews with key individuals and/or organisations. 

Identify lessons learnt and / or good practice case studies in this area. 

Recommend a list of key strategies for gender-responsive strategies to prevent land-based 

conflict, based on the above analysis. 


This is primarily a desk review. However due to the expected scarcity of Pacific-specific 

literature on gender and land-based conflict, it is expected that the consultant will have to 

conduct select interviews in addition to the desk review. 

In addition, the consultant may be required to undertake in-country travel to Papua New 

Guinea/Bougainville for national-level consultation, as it is not a country covered by the wider 

Gender and Land research project, yet has experienced significant land-based conflict. This will 

be determined in consultation with the successful consultant. 


Contents 

1. Purpose....................................................................................................................................... 8 

2. Background ............................................................................................................................... 9 

2.1 Scope of the study ............................................................................................................... 10 

3. Introduction ............................................................................................................................. 11 

3.1 Definitions........................................................................................................................... 13 

4. Contextual Overview: Gender, Land and Conflict ............................................................. 15 

4.1 Relationships to land ........................................................................................................... 15 

4.2 Control and representation of land rights ............................................................................ 17 

4.3 Impacts of land development: migration Issues.................................................................. 20 

4.4 Overlapping issues: age, gender and ethnicity ............................................................... 23 

4.5 Layered challenges: impacts of imposed discrimination ............................................... 24 

4.6 Women‟s strategies for representation................................................................................ 25 

5. Current Environment ............................................................................................................. 26 

5.1 Integrating conflict and gender analyses............................................................................. 26 

5.1.1 Gender sensitising conflict-analysis methodologies .................................................... 29 

5.1.2 Use of gender-sensitive early warning in Solomon Islands ......................................... 30 

5.2 Gender in conflict-resolution approaches ........................................................................... 32 

5.2.1 Traditional forms of conflict resolution ....................................................................... 33 

5.2.1 Conflict resolution through the law ............................................................................. 34 

5.2.3 Third-party intervention and support ...................................................................... 35 


6. Moving Forward: Integrating Gender Considerations in Conflict Minimisation ............ 37 

6.1 Summary of lessons ....................................................................................................... 38 

6.2 Creating effective strategies ........................................................................................... 41 

7. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 44 

Appendix 1:.................................................................................................................................. 45 

Appendix 2:.................................................................................................................................. 49 

Appendix 3 Annotated Resource List: Gender, Land and Conflict ....................................... 52 

Additional Website ................................................................................................................... 66 

References .................................................................................................................................... 66 

Notes ............................................................................................................................................. 71 


“Access to and rights over land and other natural resources is crucial for the livelihood and 

needs of rural poor households, yet there are considerable social, political, and institutional 

challenges to be faced – and such challenges are even more pronounced for poor women. 

Gender inequality in access to and control over resources is deeply rooted in social, political 

and power relations. Changing social conditions due to migration, HIV/AIDS, and conflict have 

further contributed to women‟s vulnerability.” 1 

* * * * 

"We can no longer afford to minimize or ignore the contributions of women and girls to all 

stages of conflict resolution, peacemaking, peace-building, peacekeeping and reconstruction 

processes. Sustainable peace will not be achieved without the full and equal participation of 

1. Purpose 

women and men." 2 

–– Kofi Annan - former UN Secretary General 

The purpose of this paper is to focus on the distinct yet overlapping issues of gender, land and 

conflict, keeping a focus on lessons for conflict minimisation. Doing this demonstrates the 

complex interrelationships that women manage in the face of development, change and hardship. 

It also demonstrates that women have unique adaptive-management approaches and a persistent 

commitment to creating a secure, stable environment for their families, communities and 

countries. 

The issues covered here are sometimes divergent and multifaceted, but examination of women‟s 

experiences provides valuable lessons – for all levels of government, and for development 


agencies, donors and multilaterals – about the complex nature of Pacific peoples‟ relationships to 

land, community and sustainable, peaceful development. 

2. Background 

This paper is one sub-component of the larger project, Land Management and Conflict 

Minimisation – Phase I. The entire project is being coordinated under the auspices of the Pacific 

Islands Forum Secretariat and the Forum Regional Security Committee. The terms of reference 

notes that the project “reflects the common themes identified in the 2000-2004 National Security 

Studies, various decisions made by the Forum Economic Ministers Meeting, Forum Regional 

Security Committee and the Forum Leaders.” The terms of reference also specifies that the long- 

term aim of the broader project is to engage member countries and technical experts to assess the 

research of Phase I and, for Phase II, to identify guiding principles and country-focused regional 

frameworks that will “assist individual member countries with their land reform, encouraging 

easy access to, and or release of customary land for different uses, by members of customary 

land owning units and/or outsiders, while preventing or at least minimising potential for 

conflict.” This sub-component aims to review and analyse a selection of gender, land and 

conflict literature/research to ensure the broad project objectives are pursued with an awareness 

of the key role gender can play in ensuring sustainable approaches to conflict minimisation in the 

Pacific. 

Additional rationale for this examination of gender, land and conflict is provided by the Pacific 

Plan. The Plan identifies numerous issues related to gender equality, conflict minimisation and 

land management. Strategic Objective 12 strives for “Improved transparency, accountability, 

equity and efficiency in the management and use of resources in the Pacific.” To support this 

objective the Plan calls for “drafting, harmonisation and promotion of awareness of rights based 

domestic legislation in the Pacific, including…CEDAW on gender…[and] UNSCR 1325 

involving men and women in conflict resolution.” 3 


2.1 Scope of the study 

This study presents a scan of relevant global and Pacific-focused literature and experience on 

gender, land and conflict and how those have intersected in Pacific Island countries. The report 

also examines the gender sensitivity and responsiveness of conflict-analysis methodologies and 

conflict-resolution processes used in the Pacific. Building on these elements, the report 

concludes by identifying priority gender issues and gender-responsive strategies that can be used 

in the Pacific region to help avoid land-based conflict. 

The scope of this project sub-component is limited by both time and the availability of regionally 

focused information. However, the report has been able to build on some key bodies of Pacific 

research that highlight critical issues. These include: 

The Gender and Land Project, ongoing through the University of the South Pacific‟s 

Pacific Studies Programme, which examines matrilineal systems of land tenure in 

Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and the Republic of the Marshall Islands. 

Documented experience of women in Bougainville, Solomon Islands and Fiji as areas 

where conflict has escalated and women have played key roles at the grassroots and 

NGO levels, but where they have been repeatedly shut out of formal conflict- 

resolution processes. 4 

Experience of UNIFEM pilot project on Early Warning Indicators of Conflict. This 

pilot took place in the Solomon Islands from 2005- 2006. 5 

This paper draws primarily from experiences in the international literature and from the above 

sources of information in Melanesia and Micronesia. Polynesian experience related to gender 

and land-based conflict remains an area for further research. 


3. Introduction 

Examining how gender issues are integral to conflict minimisation in disputes over land is an 

enormous topic. It means looking at the differences in Pacific men and women‟s knowledge, 

experiences and decision-making power about land, the differences in their status in their 

communities, and the extent to which they are treated equally in the development process. 

Existing inequities, changes created by the development process, and poor governance models 

are at the root of most conflicts around land. Inequalities in access to, and control of, resources 

and rights creates tensions and disputes and in some cases forces groups who feel 

disenfranchised to fight for what they feel they need or deserve to survive and prosper. These 

inequalities are historical and also relate to recent pressure imposed by the overlay of “Western” 

systems on customary practices. 


Gender relations vary widely in the Pacific, and gender inequalities between men and women 

have been exacerbated by the colonial governments, some groups of Christian missionaries and 

the development process. 6 Gender inequality is a root cause of poor development. 7 Gender 

inequality is also associated with conflict related to development of land and natural resources 

because due to women‟s status they participate less in public decision making and their views 

and knowledge are not accurately or fully incorporated into land use negotiations and decisions. 

This reduces the overall quality of governance related to land use and can lead to poorly 

informed choices, which can in turn lead to conflict. The most common example in the Pacific is 

land use decision making for resource exploitation. If women‟s knowledge about agricultural, 

food security, water management and community stability is not incorporated in decisions about 

resource exploitation, it increases the risk of bad decisions, environmental insecurity and 

conflict. 

Bad development and situations of conflict in turn exacerbate gender inequality – making gender 

a critical issue that must be addressed transparently and with sincere commitment in all efforts to 

minimise conflict related to the use, titling and management of land and natural resources. 

As a backdrop to this report, it is important to note that the need to address the issues of gender 

and conflict has been recognised by the UN Security Council through its Resolution 1325 

(UNSCR 1325), 8 which acknowledges that women are critical actors whose knowledge, interests 

and skills can support conflict avoidance, management and resolution. UNSCR 1325 also clearly 

focuses on women‟s key role in building and maintaining peace and supports women‟s human 

rights to be full and active agents of development. In addition, the Convention on the Elimination 

of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) – which has been ratified by 11 of 14 

Pacific Island countries – specifically identifies the need to eliminate practices and laws that 

discriminate against women, to take steps to redress women‟s unequal status, and to facilitate 

women‟s participation in decision making. 9 This convention, and the related legal commitments 

of Pacific governments, applies to equality of women and men in all areas of life, including the 

issue of land and natural resources. 


3.1 Definitions 

In order to clearly discuss issues of gender, land and conflict in the Pacific, it is necessary to 

define a number of terms and concepts. The concepts of gender, conflict minimisation or conflict 

avoidance, conflict analysis, conflict resolution, and peace building are discussed in this paper. 

They are briefly defined here in generic terms and elaborated on in the main text. 

Gender is a social organising principle, similar to race and class, that recognises the different 

socialised roles that boys and men have compared to girls and women. Every culture and society 

has variations on gendered expectations and roles, but men and boys consistently have more 

access to, and control of, economic and political resources than girls and women within specific 

social groups such as those defined by economic class, race, and ethnicity. In addition, men and 

boys generally have more free time than girls or women due to the social expectations about 

women undertaking the bulk of unpaid household work such as childcare, cleaning, health care, 

cooking, and care of the elderly. Women therefore have reduced access to information and 

knowledge and have less opportunity to contribute their own knowledge and experience to public 

debate. This is particularly relevant in the Pacific, where women hold significant knowledge 

about land use and environmental management. As a consequence of this social distribution of 

resources, men are more visibly active and powerful as decision makers in community and 

political life than women – both in peacetime and during times of conflict. 

In some cases, particularly in social groups with matrilineal traditions, women have a large 

“behind the scenes” influence on decisions taken by men. In other cases women are marginalised 

from all public decision making. The paper will discuss ways in which development is impacting 

the stability of these traditions and how such changes impact levels of social stability, 

community tension and overt conflict. 

Gender and development theory and human rights treaties recognise that gender considerations 

need to be mainstreamed throughout all development disciplines, and that at the same time there 

is often a need for temporary special measures to address women as a specific group who are 


historically disadvantaged and need specific attention to facilitate improved and more equal 

status with men. 10 

Conflict minimisation or avoidance refers to efforts to head off conflict, which is generally 

viewed as a negative destructive phenomenon. Conflict can, however, be viewed as a normal and 

healthy process that contributes to progress and positive change. 11 From this perspective it is 

most useful to consider managing conflict by understanding and addressing its root causes. These 

are usually complex and intersecting, and they require well-planned, holistic, long-term strategic 

interventions supported by a comprehensive base of knowledge. Transparency is a requirement 

for successful sustainable conflict management and for avoiding violent conflict. Land issues in 

the Pacific provide a prime example of how effective conflict management requires clear 

understanding of multiple dynamics caused by wide variations and significant depth and breadth 

of complexity. These complexities include addressing/acknowledging the differing roles, 

interests and levels of decision-making power held by women and men with respect to land title, 

tenure and use. 

Conflict analysis is the process of examining what elements of a situation are contributing to 

conflict. It includes creating a profile of the physical, social, political and historical environment; 

who key parties are; what root causes or specific factors set the conflict in motion; what internal 

and external factors may escalate or de-escalate it; and how internal or external interventions can 

impact the scale of conflict. Conflict analysis is most beneficially used as a tool to manage or 

avoid conflict and to increase the ability of a group, community or country to deal with and 

resolve tensions early before they escalate into violence. Conflict-analysis frameworks can be 

used by development agencies to assess the risk or sensitivity to conflict associated with 

operations such as land reform, infrastructure projects, and/or economic development of natural 

resources. By disaggregating information about people by sex and age, gendered issues will start 

to emerge within conflict analyses. 

Conflict resolution refers to finding solutions to settle disputes that have led to conflict. There 

are many approaches to conflict resolution that can be applied at different levels, from the 

household and community to the international level. In all instances a high quality of 


participation from women, girls, boys and men is required to ensure that the process is 

sustainable. 

Peace building has many definitions and approaches. It is a strategy for conflict minimisation 

and resolution. This paper considers peace building as a process which should seek to address the 

root causes of conflict, not just to create a situation where there is an absence of violence on the 

surface of society. Peace building should involve women, girls, boys and men from local 

populations and focus on long-term solutions that address the interests of all members of a 

society regardless of sex, age, ethnicity, religion or economic class. Peace building creates 

resilience to tension and conflict. It is also a clear prerequisite for social, political and economic 

stability and progress. 

4. Contextual Overview: Gender, Land and Conflict 

This section explores some of the issues in the complex multi-dimensional web of inter- 

relationships between gender, land and conflict. This is not by any means an exhaustive review 

of those issues, but rather a scan of areas where conflicts surface due to different causes and with 

different implications. More than anything, this illustrates i) how deep, wide and historical 

gender, land and conflict interrelationships are; ii) the way in which gender inequality is a root 

cause of underdevelopment and conflict; and iii) the dire need for some focused attempts to 

mainstream gender features into the development process generally and conflict-analysis and 

management processes specifically. 

4.1 Relationships to land 

Land and people are intricately connected in the countries of the Pacific. Women and men have 

different roles in land management, different sets of knowledge about land and resources, and 

different rights to land – particularly with respect to customary tenure. 12 These variations result 

in differences in status and power that are linked to broader socially ascribed gender roles and 

vary from group to group. 


Matrilineal and patrilineal descent patterns are defined as tracing kinship, inheritance, and power 

through the female (matrilineal) or male (patrilineal) line. However, in reality they are not 

mirror-image systems with just the substitution of men and women in reversed roles. As noted in 

Box 1, while women may have more traditional land-related rights in matrilineal systems, other 

indicators – such as control of economic resources, participation in political decision making, 

overt political power, and access to time – show that women still have lower status than the men 

in their group. 

Box 1: Matrilineal Land Tenure 

“Solomon Islands land is owned through custom and mostly passed on through patrilineal 

descent. Matrilineal societies exist in Guadalcanal, Nggela, Savo, Ysabel, Shortlands and some 

parts of the Western Provinces. Ownership passes through the maternal line, but real control 

and management of land is with brothers and other men of the clan… 

Women can be influential in matrilineal societies, but their land rights are being eroded by the 

cash economy. They stress the need to know more about their land rights because commercial 

pressure is taking land away from them…in Ysabel a woman‟s brothers and male cousins sold 

her land without telling her, to another male Solomon Islander… 

* * 

[In Vanuatu] Women in matrilineal communities may in theory have rights in their mothers‟ land 

before and after marriage, but their maternal uncles, or their brothers (rather than their 

husbands) usually control and manage these rights.” 13 

* * 

Linguistic indicators in matrilineal areas in Vanuatu, Marshall Islands (RMI) and Solomon 

Islands reflect the traditional status conferred on women who have strong connections to, and 

responsibilities for, land. 

In Raga, N Pentecost, Vanuatu the word ratahi means “woman” and ratahigi means 

“chief” and denotes “mother of creation”, that is, mother of past, present and future 

generations. 

In RMI, bwji (matrilinealige) comes from bwijen, meaning “umbilical cord.” The birth of a 

daughter is referred to as iep jeltok (basket facing inwards), which symbolises the 

ensuring of lineage and the land feeding the bwij. 

In Solomon Islands, Isabel participants referred to women as “boss” and men in Isabel 

are referred to as galulehe meaning “dead branch.” 14 


Key preliminary findings from the current USP Gender and Land project highlight that the 

structure and practice of matrilineal title is complex and does not mesh seamlessly with planning 

or decision-making models used in a) conflict avoidance development or b) post-conflict peace- 

building and development initiatives. 

The study also notes that in matrilineal societies men are most often expected to be the public 

face and voice of decisions while women have historically been the leaders of family 

deliberations, building consensus and owning decisions that come from the “communal” land 

owning group. This begins to become problematic when development options become more 

complex or corrupt. For example, if there are significant shifts in tenure models being proposed 

which require in-depth understanding by landowners, the short- and long-term benefits and costs 

of these to different groups may not be clearly disseminated to all relevant stakeholders (i.e., 

women and men of different age groups) and decisions may be taken without clearly informed 

consent. This can lead to conflict as negative consequences of those decisions begin to manifest 

themselves through development activities. 

In other situations, regardless of the traditional systems of inheritance and decision making, if 

resource exploitation companies offer bribes, or individuals accept undeclared gifts for decisions 

favourable to them, then the land-owner representative who is negotiating may be participating 

in agreements that benefit him or herself as an individual over the communal group of 

landowners. This can lead to conflict that can potentially either a) be managed through systems 

of traditional obligation and payouts or b) escalate into further conflicts between segments of a 

community or between disenfranchised community members and government or companies. 15 

4.2 Control and representation of land rights 

The countries of the Pacific have recognised in their own laws, and through international human 

rights agreements, that women and men should not be discriminated against and that they should 

have equal rights to participate in decision making, to benefit from land reform, to administer 

property, and to access the services and resources with which to maintain a good quality of life. 16 

Achievement of this goal is constrained by historically entrenched social and economic norms 


including traditional, communal systems of land management, inheritance and title. In many 

countries, management of communal land tenure, and resolution of land-related conflicts and 

disputes over land rights is a grey area. Among communal group members, in customary law and 

in legislation there are generally many different interpretations of these rights. This ambiguity 

and lack of certainty is a problem for everyone, but it particularly impacts women‟s ability to 

maintain authority related to land. Women‟s authority is often contingent on the ways in which 

customary and legislated laws do or do not create consistent and complimentary systems and the 

extent to which women are willing or able to advocate and argue for their rights. There are a 

number of documented cases in different Pacific countries where women‟s customary rights to 

be fully involved in decisions about matrilineal land rights have been usurped by male relatives 

when economic development of land or land titling takes place. 17 

In many cases, however, communal and customary ownership of land offers significant security 

to women that can be jeopardised by land-registration systems and individual ownership. In other 

cases communal and traditional systems reinforce the subjugation of women and introduced 

reform measures may be positive. Only through ensuring that women and men have equal 

opportunities to participate in decision making in a fully informed way, and that development 

policies and methodologies validate their interests equally, will there be progress in this area. 

The issue of certainty over land is therefore of equal concern to governments, investors and 

women and men of land owning groups. There is a specific need to identify stakeholder groups 

accurately and in line with differing interests – bearing in mind national and international 

commitments to equal rights. 

Traditional tenure systems of communal land rights, models of development, promotion of 

economic growth, and human rights obligations are complex to reconcile, and the intersection of 

any of these systems can cause tension. Tension can begin at a single level such as the household 

or community, and may indirectly manifest as social problems or conflict over the longer term 

with resulting conflict springing up in a removed context at a larger scale. Male-female 

differences in decision-making power may result in changes that do not take into account the full 

spectrum of needs in a family, community, province or country. For example, economic 

development and business decisions, including both correct and corrupt practices, may bypass 


traditional communication forums and result in women‟s knowledge, experience and issues 

being absent or excluded from decisions about selling or leasing land and/or resources. This in 

turn can have short- and long-term social impacts which can lead to or exacerbate conflict. 

Box 2: Testimonial from Bougainville – Panguna Copper Mine 

“The mothers and women of the Panguna were left out from services… No one sought our 

views, and still today the Bougainville/Papua New Guinea Copper Limited (BCL) and even some 

of our national men with positions in BCL have forgotten the local women either in participation 

in decision making or training. It was only the educated people that were making the decisions 

so women and the elderly were excluded. This is another injustice committed against our 

women as we were made strangers and victims of our own land… In Bougainville we women 

own the land but it was the men who are speaking and negotiating on our behalf. We never got 

a chance to actually speak out.” 18 

The tendency for men in communities to hold responsibility for leading negotiations with 

external interest groups, the growing numbers of disenfranchised young men who lack 

employment and a clear social role, the low level of female participation in many community 

forums, the lack of written records or surveyed boundaries, and the lack of clarity about authority 

and jurisdiction can exacerbate conflict. These factors combined with unethical practices that 

move development ventures forward while disputes are still being negotiated, can open the door 

for multi-level conflicts. 

Conflicts may emerge simultaneously between men and women, between community factions or 

small clan groups, between communities and developers, and/or along ethnic lines. As disputes 

escalate, loyalties may become fluid – for example, women who disagree with, or were excluded 

from, initial community-level decisions by men (whether youth or older men) may be forced to 

join forces with those men as a community or ethnic group if external forces threaten a deeper 

level of their security. This shifting of conflict priorities and loyalties makes conflict analysis and 

resolution considerably more complex and can undermine the sustainability of solutions. Box 3 


illustrates one example from Bougainville where loyalties were confused and mistrust and 

conflict emerged on multiple fronts. 

Box 3: Women in Bougainville’s conflict 

“[T]his was landowner against landowner, Bougainvillean against Bougainvillean, 

Bougainvilleans against government. How were we women involved? From day one, women 

were part and parcel but we did not start the war. We women were talking about a better deal. 

Men took up arms without us knowing. I remember the first meetings that the men started to talk 

about taking up arms – women were asked not to attend – and did not attend. A lot of peace 

education and awareness raising was done between individual women and men, and also by 

mothers calling their children to talk to one another, using traditional ways. Ex-combatants came 

out and took over the process when the UN came in. The UN talked to ex-combatants. The excombatants 

started to suspect women of forcing them to disarm.” 19 

4.3 Impacts of land development: migration Issues 

Decisions about development of natural resources and economic development requiring a land 

base can influence the movement of populations that were previously stable. This is linked to the 

fact that land and resource development often results in unequal or mismatched distribution of 

benefits to different groups of women, men, girls and/or boys. In addition, perceptions about 

distributions of benefits may be skewed by a number of factors such as geographic constraints, 

levels of education, awareness of development agendas, access to media, and availability of 

different types of infrastructure. Pacific communities are not homogenous, and from one area to 

another, women and men have different interests and require different sets of resources to allow 

them to fulfil their roles and responsibilities this is particularly evident between rural and urban 

areas. Unequal distribution or unequal opportunity to access benefits from land and resources 

may result in migration to or away from communities, which can in turn create tensions 

encompassing land, security and socio-economic stability. 

Out-migration can set off chain reactions of tensions over land, for example disputes about who 

has rights to use and control access to land when the primary tenure holder has moved elsewhere. 

Consequently, women left behind in communities may have reduced ability to maintain 


subsistence or market-garden agriculture if the male tenure holder leaves. Women in matrilineal 

areas may lose social status and power if the brother or uncle who was their spokesperson and 

ally in negotiations leaves the area. Conflict and violence can occur if women are forced to 

defend rights to land in the absence of brothers, husbands or uncles. Changes in social patterns 

and stability can affect women and men, but women tend to have less access to income to 

compensate for negative changes. Women also tend to have less mobility and less power to 

choose to be mobile – due to responsibility for children and elders – so they may not be able 

move or even access economic and social services in nearby communities without the support of 

male allies. 20 

A flow-on effect is conflict related to in-migration, whether peri-urban or adjacent to resource- 

development camps and settlements. For example, in rural areas women may face increased risks 

of sexual assault and sexually transmitted disease, including HIV/AIDS, from unattached male 

migrant workers spending wages on drugs and alcohol and seeking sex with local women. 21 In 

urban areas women and men may have reduced employment opportunities as migrants – who 

have no access to land in the new area, but who may have better education, or are willing to 

work for lower wages to survive – rebalance the labour market. Squatter settlements and 

compensation disputes can increase these tensions, which may either simmer for long periods or 

break out into conflicts. Women, both locals and new arrivals, in communities faced with in- 

migration may have reduced access to productive land, have severely limited employment 

options, lose status and be faced with increased risk of physical, gender-specific violence. Due to 

a combination of migration and the demographic “youth bulge,” young women and men in peri- 

urban settlements have little access to the knowledge and guidance of a stable critical mass of 

elders. This undermines social stability and further increases risk of disputes and conflicts. 22 

Men or women, young people or adults can be the groups to move or to be left behind, and issues 

other than land may trigger movement. However, where there is significant migration of people 

due to educational or employment opportunities or for reasons of environmental or food security, 

there will be gender-specific, socially-complex, land-related tensions that can be addressed 

positively or that can result in detrimental conflict. To address these issues in a positive way 

requires acknowledgement of gender specific implications of migration and the application of 


esources to ensure male and female migrants are consulted and that their varying needs are 

addressed. To do this, governments, donors and resource developers must commit financial and 

human resources to facilitate consultative processes and targeted responses. 

In situations of existing conflicts, migration off of land for security reasons exacerbates women‟s 

responsibilities and disrupts their ability to access health and education services as illustrated in 

Box 4. 

Box 4: Impacts of migration due to violent conflict: Bougainville 

“Families fled towns and villages and went into the hills, both to escape the PNG [Papua New 

Guinea] Defense Forces and to establish new gardens that sustained families and also supplied 

food for fighters. 

These gardens became even more important for survival after the blockade was imposed by the 

PNG Defense Force, which lasted eight years and had a disproportionate impact on women, 

depriving families of access to shelter, food, clothing, health and educational services. The 

unpaid burden of caring for the sick and dying fell on women. The destruction and closure of 

hospitals and health clinics, and limits on medical supplies and anti-malarial drugs led to 

significant problems in maternal child health.” 23 

Where women remain on their land during violent conflicts they are at extreme risk of violence 

from opposing forces. In Solomon Islands, Amnesty International recorded that 

“in one village of less than 200 persons, 16 women and girls reported being raped or 

otherwise abused. Women report a continuing and almost complete lack of faith in their 

ability to complain without fear of reprisal or stigmatization, or confidence that 

complaints will be acted upon. In one instance, the sole woman police officer in a certain 

district able to receive such complaints, was herself reported to have left her post after 

being raped by fellow officers… Even when the worst of the hostilities are over, there is 

a common failure to address security issues affecting women. Women are largely 

excluded from most conflict dialogues, undermining their role in society and resulting in 

their further marginalization from it.” 24 


4.4 Overlapping issues: age, gender and ethnicity 

As countries face a huge bulge in the youth population, young people are disenfranchised by the 

education and employment systems. 25 As services and jobs are not available, and population 

pressure increases on land and resources, elders are often unable to exert their stabilising 

influence over the young. Young men and young women have different options regarding land. 

Young women are more commonly expected to continue working as unpaid agricultural 

subsistence labour and to assist their families with child care. Where young women migrate, they 

often end up in poorly paid or unpaid domestic work for urban-based relatives. 

Young men are drifting to urban areas in large numbers, removed from their traditional areas but 

still with strong geographically defined ethnic, linguistic and political affiliations. Without jobs 

and defined social roles, young men are understandably bored, at loose ends and looking for 

excitement. In addition to losing touch with their traditional systems and ceremonies for conflict 

resolution, large unemployed congregations of young men are susceptible to being drawn into 

conflicts by the fact that it seems exciting and to provide them with a “purpose” related to their 

roots and their land – even though that purpose might not be clearly defined or particularly 

rational. There are a number of reasons why conflicts seem to form around ethnic divisions. 

Helen Johnson notes that 

“[m]any conflicts assume an ethnic character because Pacific people‟s relations to land 

are significant to their construction of ethnic difference or perceived notions of differing 

and fluid cultural identity within static state boundaries. The origin of ethnic divisions of 

labor and contemporary occupational specialization are to be found in interrelated 

conditions such as colonial policies and the specialization that resulted from international 

migration… Ethnic tensions contribute to state failure, coalescing around multiple factors 

such as land disputes; economic stagnation; perceived gaps between the success of 

different ethnic communities in achieving wealth, education and other goals; and the 

erosion of confidence in governments‟ fairness or a belief they are corrupt.” 26 

Divisions along ethnic lines increase the depth and complexity of conflicts and make resolution 

more challenging because they divide groups who might otherwise develop peace-supporting 


alliances. Women are a key social grouping of people in the Pacific who seem to have 

consistently been able to bridge this divide and act in cohesive groups to rise above ethnic 

divisions and broker solutions. 27 

4.5 Layered challenges: impacts of imposed discrimination 

Overt conflict over land is not new to the Pacific; there have been tribal wars, raids, anti-colonial 

uprisings, and coups. During World War II women and men in the Pacific were harshly impacted 

by fighting, internal displacement, imprisonment and abuse. Colonialism, independence and the 

creation of single national identities – where there are myriad cultures, languages and 

worldviews – has also impacted land use and created tensions and conflicts. 28 This historical 

progression has also undermined traditional balances between men and women and exacerbated 

existing gender bias against women. The legacy of colonisation is that assumptions about 

women‟s roles as subservient members of male-led households where men are the only people 

expected to have relevant knowledge about land, resource and political issues have been layered 

onto and have over-ridden traditional systems. 29 

Conflicts and inequalities related to land and gender have been heavily entrenched through 

colonial bias and decisions; they have also inhibited women from working together toward more 

equal rights. 

Box 5: Discrimination and divisions 

“The restrictions on land ownership by non-indigenous Fijians and the impact that this has on 

social stability and the ability of both indigenous and non-indigenous Fijian women to realize 

their human rights to equal treatment and economic stability is a largely hidden issue outside of 

Fiji itself. Due to the extreme sensitivity of land and race issues in Fiji, analysis of gender/conflict 

implications has only started to occur under the auspices of women‟s NGOs. For generations 

after colonization the colonial imposed divisions between races prevented racially different 

groups of women from working together on their common interests of peace, justice and 

equitable development.” 30 


The coups in Fiji and Solomon Islands, social instability and tribal fighting in Papua New 

Guinea, and a war in Bougainville are major land-linked conflicts that have had, and continue to 

have, different impacts on women and men. Entrenched historical gender discrimination coupled 

with women‟s higher workloads and related time restrictions have put their experience into 

shadow. Lack of attention to these gender-differentiated impacts has created gaps in 

development methodologies – which are not designed to capture sex-disaggregated information 

or monitor women‟s experiences and interests around land, conflict avoidance, conflict or peace 

building. 

4.6 Women’s strategies for representation 

In the Pacific, women have been given considerable profile for their abilities to build peace from 

a grassroots level through NGOs and church associations. There are two main reasons women 

have been operating most visibly at this level. First, women‟s grassroots organisations offer the 

protection of a group for women who are often challenging male power by speaking out in a 

conflict-resolution capacity. Individual women could face reprisal when speaking out and their 

views would not be given the same legitimacy as is accorded to organisations. Neither, without 

such organisations, would women have come to be viewed as a serious constituency for peace. 31 

Second, governments are not representative of women, and senior policy makers, international 

intervention forces and national leaders have not created the space for women to have a voice in 

formal negotiations. 32 The lack of attention given to women‟s ability to build bridges and 

negotiate solutions in situations where tensions are beginning is detrimental and is mirrored in 

standard models of conflict analysis where little attention is given to ways of sustaining peace 

and building on existing strengths to resist conflict. 33 

Box 6: Women working for Peace in Bougainville 

“During the war between the Bougainville Revolutionary Army and the PNG government, the 

Bougainville population experienced grave hardships. Women and children were the most 


vulnerable but were still at the forefront of the civilian response. The Leitana Nehan Women‟s 

Development Agency set up a network to distribute food, clothing and medicines on both sides 

of the conflict, often as the only source of emergency assistance. Women‟s groups also took a 

political stand, at one time travelling to the Prime Minister‟s office to present a petition against 

the employment of the Sandline mercenaries. At Lincoln they drafted a parallel statement 

demanding involvement in future political processes and, in June 2004, when Bougainvilleans 

went to the polls to elect their first autonomous government, three seats were reserved for 

women. 

Leitana Nehan continues their peace building work as they strive for greater representation. 

Late in 2005 when seven Fijian mercenaries arrived on Bougainville…it was Leitana Nehan‟s 

network that identified the early warning indicators of the potential for renewed violence…. The 

Leitana Nehan network continues to work closely with the police and the Autonomous 

Bougainville Government, now using Resolution 1325 to secure a permanent place at the 

table.” 34 

It is important to facilitate improved governance models so women‟s representation can be 

integrated into the formal political context and to support women‟s continued successes at the 

grassroots level. UNSCR 1325 specifically calls for women to be involved at all levels of 

conflict resolution and peace building. Third-party governments intervening in national conflicts 

do not currently align their own stated commitments to gender equality with their work in 

regional security forums. 

5. Current Environment 

5.1 Integrating conflict and gender analyses 

Conflict analysis can be used to assess the risk of conflict in the face of change or to try and 

understand why conflict has occurred. Undertaking the analysis after conflict has escalated into 

violence is usually done as a component of conflict resolution. 

Conflict analysis uses information frameworks and macro-level assessment of context, conflict 

dynamics and potential avenues of conflict reduction. These frameworks often have some 

mention of gender, but they are not well designed to capture specific changes in women‟s and 

men‟s experiences that may exacerbate conflict. Often women are viewed as a special interest or 


vulnerable group as opposed to strategic actors with insights and perspectives at each social 

level, and who have particular experience in peace building. In addition, gender is still in most 

cases interpreted as being “about women”, so analysis of men‟s roles and their ability to adapt to 

changes imposed by the threat of conflict can be overlooked. 

The role of land and resources in conflict can be captured in conflict-analysis frameworks, and 

incorporating gender considerations helps to bring the analysis down to a mid or micro level 

where people are visible, information can be disaggregated and complex relationships and roles 

can be assessed and addressed. This “focusing” of conflict analysis is often not done to a fine 

enough resolution to clarify how to address the interests of women and men or to define next 

steps that facilitate women‟s more effective involvement in conflict avoidance. For example, 

conflict analysis may not clarify women and men‟s roles in traditional decision making processes 

about land which will result in exclusion of key stakeholders and ill-informed decision making. 

Conflict analysis methodologies generally do not outline specific procedures and requirements 

for separate meetings with men and women in communities. Women may attend a full 

community meeting but be too intimidated to speak out on critical issues of concern to them 

because of social conditioning and subservience to men. If the people responsible for doing 

conflict analysis do not have training in gender, or specific terms of reference directing them to 

talk to women in separate meetings from men, they may miss information about land related 

knowledge and community power dynamics. Such information gaps can lead to inaccurate 

analysis and incorrect targeting of interventions. 

Conflict analysis needs to give attention to causes of conflict – both root causes such as gender 

inequality and the agglomeration of multiple cultures under a single legal/political system and 

proximate causes such as economic and social trends. For example, economic constraints due to 

environmental causes or blockades caused by conflict can double up with issues of gender 

inequality and affect food security of girls, exacerbate violence against women and cause 

migration of men away from communities. 

Triggers such as the awarding of benefits from natural resource or economic development 

projects can set off violence if all parties have not been fully consulted and informed on 

procedures and process, and this can trigger additional gender-differentiated impacts. Conflict 


triggers are often more accurately identified and predictable when conflict warning indicators are 

defined and monitored at a local level where women and men are better attuned to subtle changes 

in levels of discontent. 

When examining the dynamics between various actors in a potential or existing conflict, gender 

transparency can be achieved by disaggregating information not only for different parties to the 

conflict and impartial development actors, but also specifically for women and men. Looking at 

the interests, strategies, identified solutions and capacities of each group and mapping 

relationships, decisions, and chronologies of events can increase the accuracy and effectiveness 

of the analysis. 

Checklists designed to ensure that interests, perspectives and levels of power have been 

considered need to be cross-referenced in the analytical process. These must be linked to the 

macro-level components relevant to external actors and assessed in terms of governments‟ 

potential to address specific issues of concern. 

It is often helpful for development planners to use checklists that highlight gender 

considerations. These checklists can include analytical and monitoring considerations. The list 

below provides an example of land and conflict issues. 

Degree to which women rely on the land to support their families economically, and 

through subsistence agriculture. 

Women and men‟s interests in resource development related to employment opportunity. 

Customary and legislated decision-making patterns and distribution of decision making 

power between men and women of different age groups. 

Men and women‟s different interests related to increase in services such as roads, schools 

and health provision. 

Has analysis been done on how changes in access to land and resources will affect work- 

loads, time, economic opportunity, food security for women and men of different ages? 

Has there been assessment of risks of violence against women as a result of development. 


Has there been assessment of risks of social disruption for children and male and female 

youth caused by land-related changes and tensions? 

Degree of pressure for in or out migration on age and sex-disaggregated groups. 

5.1.1 Gender sensitising conflict-analysis methodologies 

Conflict-analysis tools and methodologies that capture gender-specific information exist and are 

being tested at different levels to meet different development objectives. UNIFEM has been 

working with NGOs to test gender-sensitive conflict-analysis tools such as the use of early 

warning indicators and provides an excellent overview of gender and conflict analysis in their 

2006 brief. 35 This work supports the implementation of the UNSCR 1325. The World Bank has 

done a comprehensive study on gender and conflict analysis as well as in-depth research on 

gender and best practice in land administration, 36 both of which provide useful background and 

checklists for conflict-analysis design. 

The World Bank conflict-analysis study notes that to make conflict-analysis methodologies 

gender sensitive: 

desk reviews must take gender-related information into account and cross-reference that 

information across all other categories; 

gender specialists have to be involved in designing, facilitating and summarising 

stakeholder workshops; 

staff and consultants involved in land projects must have specific terms of reference 

related to gender; 

follow-up studies to fill gaps in gender-related and sex-disaggregated information bases 

must be budgeted for and completed; 

consultations at all stages must include a balance of interests and representation from all 

sections of society including men and women from different age groups, and specific 

effort needs to be assigned to working with women as stakeholders; and 


analytical frameworks must create an increased focus on peace promotion which will 

help facilitate women‟s work to make their societies more resilient to conflict. 37 

Consultation with and involvement of women in identification of their own concerns is critical. 

In a recent workshop examining the issue of peace and security, women identified a number of 

human security indicators. 

Box 7: Consulting women on human security 

“Feeling safe, knowing that our children are safe from exploitation, that our natural resources 

and environment are safe and protected from exploitation. We are free to move around, express 

ourselves; we are safe in our homes and can go to our gardens; we are able to worship; we can 

take our children to the hospital.” 38 

To ensure that integrated conflict and gender analyses are accurate and effective, the people 

doing the analysis work must be aware of, and skilled in, gender analysis. Not only must these 

individuals have direction to understand and integrate gender in the work they do, they must also 

be able to explain and advocate for the relevance of gender when working on conflict analysis 

with government and non-government stakeholders. This will facilitate accurate assessment of 

where there are gaps in the ability to i) support gender-responsive conflict avoidance and ii) 

design integrated strategies. 

5.1.2 Use of gender-sensitive early warning in Solomon Islands 

At the country level, in Solomon Islands, UNIFEM ran a pilot project on gender, conflict and 

early warning to test gender-responsive indicators with rural communities most affected by the 

“tensions.” 39 This project was both an exercise in conflict analysis and a test of a conflict- 

avoidance/ conflict-minimisation mechanism. The pilot provided training to all stakeholders and 

tracked indicators that rural women and men felt were relevant to their experience of conflict 


during the period 1998 to 2005. Indicators were adapted from internationally tested models by 

the project staff and the stakeholder groups participating in the pilot. 40 Appendix 2 contains a 

2005 interim press release from the project which gives a flavour of the indicators used by the 

project and the type of information it generated. 

The curtailment of the pilot due to lack of funding prevents clear conclusions about 

effectiveness, but a number of positive lessons and clear challenges were identified. 

Positive lessons learned included the following: 

The rural people involved in the pilot were actively committed to supporting the 

identification and tracking of indicators which they helped to define. 

Rural participants were interested in developing local level responses to tensions and 

disputes within their areas. 

There was clear progress in raising awareness about the gendered nature of conflict and 

peace building. 

Challenges that arose were related to the following: 

The logistics of working in geographically isolated areas where there was ongoing unrest 

posed challenges to a time-limited pilot project. 

The lack of reliable communications infrastructure also created limits to the immediacy 

of feedback processes. 

The lack of comprehensive buy-in to the project at the national level to ensure a strong 

feedback mechanisms and early response. 41 

This communication framework was weakened by the interaction and complex dynamics 

between the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI), the government of 

Solomon Islands, and the National Peace Council (NPC). The timing of the pilot corresponded 

with a weakening of the credibility of the NPC. Control over the NPC-RAMSI relationship was 

outside the scope of the pilot, and there were challenges associated with convincing other 

national-level stakeholders, including RAMSI, of the legitimacy of data. Consequently, early 


warning information and data was not fed into national-level planning and programming. The 

subsequent dissolution of the NPC and its system of rural monitors, who were a key 

communication link for the pilot project, also undermined the feedback process and the pilot 

objectives. 

The systemic weakness in relationships between conflict management actors is problematic in 

many conflict settings. 42 Establishment of coordinated priorities is chronically lacking between 

national governments, development actors, bilateral donors and third-party intervention forces, 

and there is often competition about which agency‟s approaches are best. Where intervention 

forces are following a peacekeeping or military model, there are additional hurdles linked to the 

low level of gender responsiveness in those organisations/structures and the resultant lack of 

openness to gender-related initiatives. 

The pilot itself received a lot of positive international attention for its innovative approach and 

methodological rigor. It provides a number of important lessons; the most important, perhaps, 

comes from the rural participants‟ perceptions about the positive impact of the pilot on their own 

ability to resolve conflict at a local level. 

5.2 Gender in conflict-resolution approaches 

All major conflicts that have developed in Melanesia are rooted in disputes over land or linked to 

power struggles associated with control of land, title associated with land and/or natural 

resources. This section looks at the gender aspects of conflict-resolution mechanisms. There is a 

wide range of conflict-resolution mechanisms being used in the Pacific from the household and 

community level to situations of large-scale inter-group conflict. These mechanisms for conflict 

resolution are both traditional and introduced, and they can all be made more effective, gender 

responsive and transparent. 

Even as conflict situations escalate, women‟s rights to participate in every level of conflict 

management and resolution must be recognised and upheld to ensure that their interests are 

identified, formally incorporated into negotiations, and given the same credibility as those of 

men. Men‟s issues must also be explored more comprehensively – in relation to social networks, 


family/clan cohesion, and women‟s interests – so that a more complete understanding of root 

causes of conflicts can be mapped out. 

In her study on factors affecting women‟s right to land and property, Santiago identifies a 

problematic myth of urgency that comes into play in attempts to resolve violent conflicts: “[I]n 

conflict situations what becomes urgent is the search for political and military solutions to them, 

while specific issues affecting a selection of the population, like women, become peripheral.” 43 

This narrowing of vision supports cutting corners and rationalising exclusion of groups whose 

issues seem deferrable in the face of overt violence. The fact that this practice of deferring and 

ignoring women‟s knowledge, experience and concerns undermines sound conflict-resolution 

outcomes needs to be clearly acknowledged and addressed by all parties. 

5.2.1 Traditional forms of conflict resolution 

Traditional methods of conflict resolution include in-depth public discussion of disputes in 

public forums, such as village meetings; prescribed ceremonies matched to specific levels of 

grievance; traditional exchanges of goods or land; negotiation, mediation or arbitration managed 

by elders or identified leaders; and sorcery. The integrity of social values and community 

heritage is a crucial support to maintenance and credibility of these traditional mechanisms. Box 

8 illustrates how traditional processes are used and sometimes combined with symbols and ideals 

from contemporary society. 

Box 8: Women using traditional conflict-resolution mechanisms 

“[I]n the Areare culture, women intervene by using their clothes, words or body contact. A 

woman can stand between two warring parties and challenge them by uttering words such as 

„Enough is enough, stop fighting, if you continue to fight you have walked over my legs.‟ Among 

the Areare, any male contact with or over a woman‟s body is tambu (forbidden) and would 

require compensation, especially if they are in-laws or brothers and sisters. The fighting has to 

stop immediately and negotiations for reconciliation and compensation begin.” 44 

“Early in 2000, women from different parts of Kup in Simbu Province met for the first time since 

a devastating tribal fight in 1998. Many had lost loved ones, houses, and agricultural land. 

Meeting after so much suffering, the women from four different enemy tribes shared their grief 


and consoled each other. The Kup Women for Peace started with these women and continued 

to grow in numbers, including men… They have since extended their work into the next 

province by walking onto a battle field across the Western Highland border town of Minj, 

carrying a loudhailer and calling for a truce. The Kup spent two weeks living in the villages of the 

warring clans, talking peace and „using their tears to cry about the bloodshed and destruction of 

property.‟“ 45 

Traditional conflict-resolution mechanisms exist in all Pacific societies, but the balance of men‟s 

and women‟s roles in these systems has been changed by the interface with development and the 

introduction of the cash economy. As women‟s reproductive and subsistence roles have been 

devalued, the level of respect given to women when they participate in traditional forums to 

voice their views on conflict management in relation to land and land use has decreased. The 

demographic changes in the Pacific have also undermined young women‟s and men‟s knowledge 

about, and confidence in, traditional systems of conflict management and resolution. 46 

5.2.1 Conflict resolution through the law 

Reference to legislation and the courts is likely the most common formal method of conflict 

resolution in the Pacific. The law strives to provide structured guidance and establish standards 

for arbitration, and it is used to settle disputes and conflict within established and relatively 

transparent parameters. 

Law supports a “rights-based” approach to conflict resolution that is effective when it is 

respected and administered in an informed and balanced manner. However, women rarely take 

cases of land disputes and land rights to court. Women are disenfranchised by both gender and 

class in the legal system, which is dominated by well-educated men who are economically and 

socially privileged by their position. The law in the Pacific has done little to uphold women‟s 

land rights under customary or legislative systems. 47 

In most of the escalated conflicts in the Pacific there has been a breach of legal and/or 

constitutional systems, which have resulted in coups and open violent conflicts. Land and related 

economic opportunity has been at the heart of all the violent conflicts in the Pacific, and in 

climates of hyper-masculinity women can become pawns of these conflicts. They are physically 


violated as the property of „the enemy‟, their rights are ignored, and they suffer 

disproportionately from poverty during and after conflicts. Women‟s rights are often widely 

disregarded, and legal protections and redress for their customary land rights, and their rights as 

civilians warranting protection, has not been consistent. 

Conflict exacerbates disenfranchisement. With regard to violence against women in the 

household during times of tension and particularly in the case of war crimes such as rape and 

kidnapping, Pacific legal systems have a poor record. Women are seen as victims to be dealt 

with, or dismissed by the law; very seldom are they seen as powerful actors within legal systems. 

There are very few women lawyers and judges in Pacific countries, and this imbalance coupled 

with family shame and the psychosocial damage women have suffered, means that women 

hesitate to put themselves at risk by testifying during legal conflict-resolution proceedings. 

Women have been hesitant to identify perpetrators who have unpredictable levels of impunity. 

Women cannot be sure that male policy, lawyers or judges will respect their human rights to be 

protected from sexual violence. Male dominance in the police, the legal professions and the 

judiciary means there is limited understanding of the full spectrum of women‟s legal position. 

The undermining of women‟s status, women‟s perceptions of security and women‟s trust in the 

legal system have major implications during conflict-resolution processes. Women are often 

insecure when trying to pursue justice as individuals. As a response and solution, women are 

acting together in groups supported by NGOs or churches. These systems create a voice for 

women and offer a mechanism to provide both activism and a system of protection. 

5.2.3 Third-party intervention and support 

Third-party or regional political and military interventions in conflicts are becoming more 

common in Melanesia. These use facilitated negotiation, mediation, provision of peacekeeping 

military personnel and external police support as their main methodologies. In some cases this 

has been supported by initiatives to work with the judiciary and to provide institution/capacity 

building of legal structures and systems. Formal conflict-resolution accords and declarations 

have been repeatedly struck to entrench the agreement of parties to the conflicts. 


In all the Pacific conflicts, high-level third-party interventions have repeatedly and consistently 

excluded women. While women are often recognised as stakeholders, they are seen as a distinct 

“special interest” or vulnerable group; they are not seen as individuals with equal rights to be at 

the negotiating table due to their specific, equally valuable, base of knowledge and expertise. 

When women – or any group – are viewed as “special interest” it is easy for their views to be 

excluded as peripheral to the main discussion. This is reinforced when the norms of military and 

political operations are set by men: inequitable governance systems and discriminatory structural 

constraints have historically prevented women‟s representation in those forums and consequently 

peacekeeping and political systems provide little or no opportunity for women‟s views to be 

integrated. This cycle of perpetuating norms that are gender blind needs to be broken open so 

that women‟s and men‟s views, knowledge and interests can contribute to more equitable and 

sound conflict management and resolution. 

In addition to the above, additional processes such as restorative justice, truth and reconciliation 

forums, and faith-based initiatives have been used to bring parties together and resolve their 

conflicts. 

Under the auspices of NGOs and church groups, women have taken action themselves to liaise 

between parties in the conflicts in Fiji, Solomon Islands and Bougainville. Women have also 

been able to use these forums to articulate their own concerns related to land issues. 

Documentation of women‟s experiences in recent conflicts demonstrates that there is scope for 

creating innovative decision-making models at the community level. These can be grounded in 

community values and build on women‟s strengths as negotiators and mediators. In Papua New 

Guinea overt conflict and the use of guns has created high levels of insecurity and undermines 

the feasibility of exploring alternative land-use approaches. Tribal fighting is endemic in the 

highlands of Papua New Guinea, and though it is not always centred on land-related disputes, the 

crossing of tribal territory boundaries and the destruction of agricultural or natural resources can 

be triggers for fighting over other issues. This impacts women‟s relationship to the land and their 

ability to provide security for their families, and it creates a drastically increased risk of violence 

against them. Information on women‟s initiatives to create a space for their own conflict- 

management strategies is very limited. There is a clear need for more research into alternative 


dispute-resolution strategies which also supports improvement of women‟s status, and the 

dissemination of that information through media, peer exchanges and presentations to high-level 

bodies formulating land-management and conflict-analysis methodologies. 48 

6. Moving Forward: Integrating Gender Considerations in 

Conflict Minimisation 

From a development perspective, there is a positive correlation between supporting initiatives 

that promote gender equality, the empowerment of women, improved representation of women 

in democratic systems of government, increases in social stability, reduction of poverty and 

conflict minimisation. Unfortunately – despite international commitments such as CEDAW, 

constitutional promises of non-discrimination and the stated ethos of international development 

actors – the organisational culture of development agencies and the political will of the heavily 

male senior leadership of those agencies conspires against achieving equality between women 

and men. 49 The equal participation of men and women in decisions about land, the primary high- 

value resource of the majority of people in the Pacific, is a critical element that will support 

conflict minimisation. This commitment to gender equality and gender mainstreaming is, to date, 

limited to the rhetoric of development bodies and is not actively integrated into development 

initiatives for good governance, land reform and conflict management. 

Conflict itself undermines progress on women‟s rights, creating a downward spiral of insecurity 

and lack of resilience to further conflict. Jalal notes that 

“[t]here are very compelling reasons to say that, whatever the backlash has been to the 

improvement in the situation of women, it has been heightened by the political crisis. It 

has happened in Fiji and in Solomon Islands. These challenges demonstrate the very 

close connections between conflict, gender, race and democracy.” 50 

There are a number of ways to learn lessons from the Pacific experience so that positive 

approaches can be defined. However, it is also critical that government, development-agency 

staff, and advocates and agents of economic growth be aware of the importance of these 


perspectives and have the operating frameworks, accountability mechanisms, skills, and tools to 

build findings into their structures, policies and procedures. 

Equally, if not more, important is the development of a sense of the opportunity costs – of social 

instability and conflict – of not involving women early in the decision-making processes about 

land. 

The investment in learning how to support peace seems to be less marketable than investment in 

resolving conflicts, but using an opportunity-cost model can rationalise the time and cost 

required to integrate gender considerations into conflict management and peace building. The 

sustainability of conflict minimisation efforts will be dependent on the inclusiveness of 

approaches used and the extent to which changes to land tenure, title and use meet the needs of 

communities and provide secure roles for the men, women, girls and boys within them. Where 

the needs and interests of any group are overlooked, there will be dissatisfaction and social 

stability will be compromised. 

Concurrently, work has to begin at multiple levels to begin filling information gaps and to 

simultaneously involve women at all levels of conflict management and peace building. In the 

Pacific there are a number of areas where more information and data are needed about women‟s 

role in all types of conflict avoidance in order to support better and more innovative uses of the 

land base. These are linked to increased commitment and funding for gender mainstreaming and 

the use of UNSCR 1325; specific lessons learned and strategies are elaborated on below. 

6.1 Summary of lessons 

The following points summarise the wide range of lessons that have come to light through the 

scan of literature available on the overlapping issues of gender, land and conflict in the Pacific. 

The diversity of land-tenure systems and cultures in the Pacific and the differing norms 

related to women‟s status between cultures and countries create complex multi- 

dimensional challenges for attempts at gender-sensitive conflict minimisation. 


The lack of gender mainstreaming within development agencies and governments 

seriously inhibits effective, sustainable land management and constrains efforts to 

establish certainty about land tenure. 

The policy and legal frameworks for land management are often weak and at odds with 

customary understandings about land, and rural men and women do not have access to 

information about the development systems that are creating pressure for changing land- 

management/land-tenure systems. 

There are significant gaps between existing legal frameworks/ policy and implementation 

of development programmes – particularly in the area of ensuring equitable distribution 

of benefits to women and men. 

Women and men have different sets of knowledge about land and resources that are not 

consistently acknowledged and/or used in development decision making and policy 

formulation. 

Lack of specificity in law about women‟s land rights in communal systems is resulting in 

the continued erosion of those rights in the face of development pressures on natural 

resources. 

Traditions and values about land use and fair distribution of land-related assets are being 

lost due to demographic imbalances and development pressures. This has a negative 

impact on the status of women and their ability to access a secure livelihood. 

There are no standards of practice to ensure men‟s and women‟s human rights and 

interests are equally represented in projects linked to land management and land use. 

Neither are there gender and rights standards for conflict-management interventions. This 

lack of transparency and accountability leads to women‟s exclusion from both types of 

processes. This lack of standards reduces the quality of results and undermines 

sustainability. 


The lack of sex-disaggregated information related to land use and customary tenure 

undermines informed decision making about land administration and economic 

development. 

Conflict-analysis frameworks need to integrate gender as a critical analysis consideration 

and ensure that analysis clarifies gender-specific elements of context, causes of conflict, 

and conflict minimisation options. 

There is a need to establish conflict-analysis mechanisms that monitor and facilitate 

learning from places where conflict is managed well. There is a further need to assess the 

implications of women‟s covert and overt roles in that process – be it in matrilineal or 

patrilineal rural areas or in urban and international settings. 

Women‟s negotiation and peace-building experience is an untapped resource that has 

direct application to planning and decision making around land and resource 

management. 

There is a need for improved feedback and planning mechanisms designed to specifically 

link regional and national security and development policies to existing international 

commitments on human rights and gender equality. 

Dispute-resolution methodologies do not support the stated gender-equality commitments 

of development agencies or the legislated gender-equality commitments of bilateral 

donors. Regional donors and inter-governmental organisations facilitating peace talks in 

Solomon Islands and Bougainville have specific policies on gender equality and yet those 

peace processes excluded women‟s participation and did not adhere to the gender 

equality policies of the respective parties. 

Conflict responses need to balance the need for concurrent action to a) alleviate 

immediate risk, b) analyse gender and other conflict dimensions and c) undertake 

coordinated and integrated planning that considers the sustainability of solutions. 

In post-conflict settings, development and peacekeeping functions are often separate and 

poorly coordinated. Peacekeeping initiatives do not demonstrate capacity or priorities 


elated to gender equality. Lack of coordination between functions acts to perpetuate 

women‟s exclusion from formal conflict-resolution negotiations. 

In areas that are recovering from conflicts, it is important to learn how the exclusion of 

women from negotiations and conflict-resolution forums – both traditional and 

“Western” models – has impacted the sustainability of settlements and the process of 

peace building. In Bougainville, NGOs and development agencies have been striving to 

use UNSCR 1325 to build sustainable peace and, in the process, to learn lessons about 

how women‟s and men‟s roles in the conflict may have affected the course of events. 

6.2 Creating effective strategies 

The broad sweep of lessons identified in the previous section highlights the need for 

comprehensive gender-mainstreaming strategies at all levels of governments and development 

agencies, multilateral development banks and regional intergovernmental forums. These 

agencies will then have specific gender responsive guidelines to follow when developing land 

management policies and processes and during conflicts and within conflict resolution processes. 

The fact that, despite long-standing stated commitments, gender mainstreaming has progressed 

very little since Pacific nations achieved independence highlights a number of constraints. These 

fall into five categories: 

Lack of political will 

Organisational cultures unsupportive of gender equality 

Lack of accountability and responsibility for human rights and gender equality 

Low levels of technical capacity to analyse and implement gender-sensitive initiatives 

Lack of adequate resources to facilitate integration of gender 

These categories of constraints were initially identified through the UN Millennium Project and 

represent the elements which must be in place to support gender mainstreaming in development 


and in conflict management. 51 When addressing these constraints, strategies and priority 

application of strategies must be tailored to organisational or conflict-management mandates. 

In relation to land management, gender and conflict, there are some specific actions that will 

contribute to the creation of gender-responsive environments at all levels: 

Heads of agencies, peacekeeping missions and government leaders must take direct 

responsibility for gender mainstreaming results in their operations, and must develop 

accountability mechanisms for reporting on these results. 

Increasing the technical capacity of development-agency, government, and peacekeeping 

staff to do gender analysis and gender-responsive planning has to be made mandatory, 

with appropriate allocations of time and financial support. 

Gender analysis must be applied to good-governance initiatives to reset the norms that 

currently exist in male-dominated policy, negotiation models and military/peacekeeping 

intervention frameworks. This can be initiated in the first instance by bringing the 

experience of women‟s NGOs to bear on those processes and structures. 

Support for gender equality in access to, and control of, land – in both matrilineal and 

patrilineal areas – requires governments to work with communities, NGOs and 

development agencies to analyse customary land laws and facilitate interpretation of 

those through land courts and other venues, to document rights and establish certainty for 

women. 

All development initiatives to register land must involve in-depth consultation with 

communities and use special measures to ensure men‟s and women‟s knowledge sets and 

interests are clearly represented, documented and analysed in relation to national and 

international commitments to eliminate gender-based discrimination. 

Development agencies must work to agree on a coordinated set of gender-sensitive 

indicators that can be used to i) monitor men‟s and women‟s different relationships to 

land and ii) assess, in advance of any interventions, the potential for different positive and 

negative impacts of land reform or other changes to tenure and title on men and women. 


Best-practice standards supporting gender equality can be developed for both land- 

reform/land-mobilisation processes and for conflict-analysis and resolution processes. 

These will include, inter alia, standards on levels of participation by men and women, 

accountability of developing parties to civil and governmental stakeholders, use of 

relevant gendered indicators, collection of sex- and age-disaggregated data, use of 

temporary special measures to address disproportionate negative impacts on women, and 

reporting processes that clarify gender dimensions within processes or thematic areas. 

Development agencies, NGOs and peacekeeping initiatives need to agree on coordination 

mechanisms to ensure gender best-practice standards are addressed in a rapid and 

effective manner. 

Awareness raising and capacity building for gender must be more effectively delivered to 

both development-agency and peacekeeping personnel; heads of organisations must 

model this awareness and take responsibility to ensure this is accomplished. 

Conflict-analysis methodologies need to be revised to capture gender-linked factors and 

highlight proactive, peace-supporting actions and variables. 

Information mechanisms that facilitate learning and improved planning for land, 

resources, development and conflict minimisation should be part of all land-related 

projects and should be linked to gender-sensitive conflict-analysis frameworks. 

Gender-sensitive early warning processes, incorporating participatory design of 

indicators and communication mechanisms, need to be developed with the central 

involvement of the women and men from areas where land reform and/or conflict are 

happening. These processes need formal recognition from national-level players and must 

be linked to policy and planning frameworks. 


7. Conclusion 

This paper has provided an overview of issues related to gender and land-based conflicts in the 

Pacific Islands region. Documented evidence from governments, multilaterals, NGOs, and 

communities highlights the gaps between development rhetoric and practice. This evidence 

highlights how gender inequality is an underlying cause of both poor environmental management 

and conflict. Gender inequality undermines sustainable stewardship of land resources, as well as 

economic development and is a violation of human rights. 

Gender needs to be integrated as a feature of analysis, planning, implementation and evaluation 

in land management. Similarly gender issues need to be fully integrated into conflict 

management. There are numerous resources already developed to support such work, and women 

in the Pacific have indicated their interest and availability to participate. 

There is a clear need to mainstream gender considerations into land administration and conflict 

management processes. Doing so will bring women and men‟s knowledge and perspectives on 

environmental management and peace building into better balance, will clearly contribute to 

improved decision-making about land management and peace building, and will be to the social, 

culture and economic benefit of the region. 


Appendix 1: 

UNSCR 1325 

This text presents an abridged version of the preamble and 17 substantive points of the 

resolution. Full text can be viewed online at http://www.peacewomen.org/un/sc/1325.html 

Reaffirming the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts and in 

peace-building, and stressing the importance of their equal participation and full involvement in 

all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security, and the need to increase 

their role in decision-making with regard to conflict prevention and resolution, 

Reaffirming also the need to implement fully international humanitarian and human rights law 

that protects the rights of women and girls during and after conflicts, 

Recognizing that an understanding of the impact of armed conflict on women and girls, effective 

institutional arrangements to guarantee their protection and full participation in the peace process 

can significantly contribute to the maintenance and promotion of international peace and 

security, 

Noting the need to consolidate data on the impact of armed conflict on women and girls, 

1. Urges Member States to ensure increased representation of women at all decision-making 

levels in national, regional and international institutions and mechanisms for the prevention, 

management, and resolution of conflict; 

2. Encourages the Secretary-General to implement his strategic plan of action (A/49/587) calling 

for an increase in the participation of women at decision-making levels in conflict resolution and 

peace processes; 


3. Urges the Secretary-General to appoint more women as special representatives and envoys to 

pursue good offices on his behalf, and in this regard calls on Member States to provide 

candidates to the Secretary-General, for inclusion in a regularly updated centralised roster; 

4. Further urges the Secretary-General to seek to expand the role and contribution of women in 

United Nations field-based operations, and especially among military observers, civilian police, 

human rights and humanitarian personnel; 

5. Expresses its willingness to incorporate a gender perspective into peacekeeping operations 

and urges the Secretary-General to ensure that, where appropriate, field operations include a 

gender component; 

6. Requests the Secretary-General to provide to Member States training guidelines and materials 

on the protection, rights and the particular needs of women, as well as on the importance of 

involving women in all peacekeeping and peace-building measures, invites Member States to 

incorporate these elements as well as HIV/AIDS awareness training into their national training 

programmes for military and civilian police personnel in preparation for deployment and further 

requests the Secretary-General to ensure that civilian personnel of peacekeeping operations 

receive similar training; 

7. Urges Member States to increase their voluntary financial, technical and logistical support for 

gender-sensitive training efforts, including those undertaken by relevant funds and programmes, 

inter alia, the United Nations Fund for Women and United Nations Children's Fund, and by the 

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other relevant bodies; 

8. Calls on all actors involved, when negotiating and implementing peace agreements, to adopt a 

gender perspective, including, inter alia: (a) The special needs of women and girls during 

repatriation and resettlement and for rehabilitation, reintegration and post-conflict reconstruction; 

(b) Measures that support local women's peace initiatives and indigenous processes for conflict 

resolution, and that involve women in all of the implementation mechanisms of the peace 

agreements; (c) Measures that ensure the protection of and respect for human rights of women 


and girls, particularly as they relate to the constitution, the electoral system, the police and the 

judiciary; 

9. Calls upon all parties to armed conflict to respect fully international law applicable to the 

rights and protection of women and girls as civilians, in particular the obligations applicable to 

them under the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the Additional Protocols thereto of 1977, the 

Refugee Convention of 1951 and the Protocol thereto of 1967, the Convention Security Council - 

5 - Press Release SC/6942 4213th Meeting (PM) 31 October 2000 on the Elimination of All 

Forms of Discrimination against Women of 1979 and the Optional Protocol thereto of 1999 and 

the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child of 1989 and the two Optional 

Protocols thereto of 25 May 2000, and to bear in mind the relevant provisions of the Rome 

Statute of the International Criminal Court; 

10. Calls on all parties to armed conflict to take special measures to protect women and girls 

from gender-based violence, particularly rape and other forms of sexual abuse, and all other 

forms of violence in situations of armed conflict; 

11. Emphasizes the responsibility of all States to put an end to impunity and to prosecute those 

responsible for genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes including those relating to sexual 

violence against women and girls, and in this regard, stresses the need to exclude these crimes, 

where feasible from amnesty provisions; 

12. Calls upon all parties to armed conflict to respect the civilian and humanitarian character of 

refugee camps and settlements, and to take into account the particular needs of women and girls, 

including in their design, and recalls its resolution 1208 (1998) of 19 November 1998; 

13. Encourages all those involved in the planning for disarmament, demobilisation and 

reintegration to consider the different needs of female and male ex-combatants and to take into 

account the needs of their dependants; 

14. Reaffirms its readiness, whenever measures are adopted under Article 41 of the Charter of 

the United Nations, to give consideration to their potential impact on the civilian population, 


earing in mind the special needs of women and girls, in order to consider appropriate 

humanitarian exemptions; 

15. Expresses its willingness to ensure that Security Council missions take into account gender 

considerations and the rights of women, including through consultation with local and 

international women's groups; 

16. Invites the Secretary-General to carry out a study on the impact of armed conflict on women 

and girls, the role of women in peace-building and the gender dimensions of peace processes and 

conflict resolution, and further invites him to submit a report to the Security Council on the 

results of this study and to make this available to all Member States of the United Nations; 

17. Requests the Secretary-General, where appropriate, to include in his reporting to the Security 

Council, progress on gender mainstreaming throughout peacekeeping missions and all other 

aspects relating to women and girls; 


Appendix 2: 

Press Release from Dr. Annalise Moser on UNIFEM‟s Solomon Islands Gendered Early 

Warning Project. 

UNIFEM Gendered Early Warning Report Released. 5th December 2005 

The project incorporates a gender perspective into the collection and analysis of information to 

anticipate the escalation of violent conflict, and is implemented in partnership with the National 

Peace Council, Solomon Islands Christian Association, Vois Blong Mere, the Department of 

Home Affairs, and the Department of National Unity, Reconciliation and Peace. 

Eleven out of forty-six early warning indicators are in the high risk level. There is also a general 

tendency towards low economic development and considerable gender inequality. These 

tendencies are important because both are strongly linked to an increased likelihood of conflict – 

however all factors must be considered in the context of the many positive opportunities 

currently present in the Solomon Islands. The indicators presenting a high risk of conflict are as 

follows: 

Governance 

Corruption in government 

Women's lack of participation in government processes 

Dissatisfaction with provision of government services 

Inability to participate in government decision-making 

Lack of trust between political groups 


Land and Natural Resources 

Economics 

Frequency of disputes concerning land 

Women's lack of involvement in community resolution of land disputes 

Economic inequality within the population 

Public Security 

Incidence of crime 

Social and Ethnic Relations 

Incidence of domestic abuse 

Informal negative discourse (gossip) 

Among these, the following issues stand out as of particular concern: corruption, women's lack 

of participation in government processes, economic inequality, land disputes, the incidence of 

crime – especially violent crime – and the extent of negative gossip. Each of these issues is 

interlinked in complex ways, and relate to broader factors such as the general tendency towards 

low economic development, high levels of gender inequality, and the increasing youth bulge. 

There are also many positive elements to the current situation. Public security indicators 

generally present a low risk of conflict at present (with the exception of crime). Findings in the 

category of peace building are also positive, with all indicators at a medium risk level. A key 

opportunity which links with these two positive elements is the 2006 election, which provides 

the potential for addressing some of the risk factors identified above. 


This situation of a moderate risk of conflict combined with important opportunities for peace 

building calls for both men and women in government, donor agencies, NGOs and communities 

to work seriously towards appropriate responses in a timely manner. A starting point for such a 

process to prevent conflict and strengthen peace building is provided in the extensive list of 

community and national level response options included in the report. 

Source: http://lyris1.spc.int/read/messages?id=45670 


Appendix 3 

Annotated Resource List: Gender, Land and Conflict 

The following list of references presents a selection of information relevant to the intersecting 

topics of gender, land and conflict minimisation in the Pacific. The list is not exhaustive but it 

does illustrate the range of perspectives and depth of coverage of issues that currently exists in 

published literature and on the internet. The sources provided are rarely comprehensive on all 3 

main issues, illustrating the need for further specific research on the overlap of these issues in 

the Pacific region. 

Anderlini, Sanam. Mainstreaming Gender in Conflict Analysis: Issues and Recommendations. World 

Bank Social Development Papers: Conflict Prevention and Reconstruction, Paper No 33. Washington, 

D.C.: World Bank, February 2006. 

www.womenwarpeace.org/issues/Mainstreaming_gender_Anderlini.pdf 

This report raises a number of issues with the gender sensitivity of the World Bank‟s existing conflict- 

analysis framework (CAF) and offers specific recommendations for adapting the framework and 

indicators to better reflect the fact that conflict affects women and men differently. It also includes a 

number of links where additional information and resources on gender can be found, which could be 

consulted as part of a conflict-analysis process. It includes a review of 11 CAFs. 

AusAID. Gender Guidelines: Peace Building. Canberra: AusAid, 2006. 

http://www.ausaid.gov.au/publications/pdf/gender_peacebuilding.pdf 

These gender guidelines for peace building are intended to act as a reference guide to assist AusAID desk 

officers and post officers, as well as contractors and consultants, to understand and address issues of 

gender equality in peace-building work. The first section contains general gender and peace-building 

guidelines, to be utilised in the situation analysis, identification, design, implementation, monitoring and 


evaluation stages of all interventions taking place in a conflict-prone setting. The second section contains 

sectoral gender and peace-building guidelines identifying key issues for each of the following sectors: 

conflict prevention, informal peace building, peace negotiations and agreements, reconciliation processes, 

disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration, governance and electoral processes, judicial reform and 

access to justice, economic reconstruction, education and health. Some discussion of conflict prevention 

and land is included. 

Bouta, Tsjeard, and Georg Frerks. Women‟s Roles in Conflict Prevention, Conflict Resolution and Post- 

Conflict Reconstruction: Literature Review and Institutional Analysis. The Hague: Netherlands Institute 

of International Relations Conflict Research Unit, 2002. 

http://www.clingendael.nl/publications/2002/20021102_cru_bouta.pdf 

This document reviews selected literature on the roles and positions of women before, during and after 

armed conflict. In addition, it provides an analysis of sixteen international organisations that aim to 

improve the position of women through peacekeeping missions, peace negotiation, peace building, 

humanitarian aid, development assistance and international tribunals and courts. In both cases, 

recommendations are made for enhancing the gender sensitivity of conflict-related programmes and 

policies. 

Boydell, Spike. Land Tenure and Land Conflict in the South Pacific. Consultancy Report Prepared for the 

FAO. Suva: USP Solutions, 2001. 

http://www.usp.ac.fj/fileadmin/files/faculties/islands/landmgmt/publications/faoreport.pdf 

This report discusses concepts of land in Pacific Countries and includes case studies of land-based 

disputes in Fiji, Papua New Guinea and Solomon Islands. Each case study examines the social, legal and 

political context; the legal framework for conflict resolution; the conflict-resolution methodologies; and 

the results of the conflict-resolution process in terms of land-related issues. Includes limited discussion of 

gender. 


Boydell, Spike, and Garrick Small. Evolving a Pacific Property Theory” Paper presented at the Real 

Estate Research Conference of the RICS Research Foundation, Oxford, 5-7 September 2001. 

http://www.usp.ac.fj/fileadmin/files/faculties/islands/landmgmt/publications/propertytheorypaper.pdf 

This paper explores the contention that it may be globalisation itself, and aspirations of capitalism, that 

underlies the current conflicts in the Pacific. The Pacific differs from much of the developing world, in 

that 83 to 98 per cent of the land has remained under the stewardship that is indigenous ownership. This 

paper allows a philosophical evolution of a Pacific property theory by proposing future directions, 

including land issues pertaining to taxation, women‟s equality of access, education and research. It 

concludes by asking if a customary approach to land ownership in the Pacific is so inappropriate to the 

demands of contemporary Pacific society. Some discussion of women and land tenure is included, as well 

as a very brief outline of land tenure practices in different Pacific countries. 

Byrne, Bridget. Gender, Conflict and Development, Volume I: Overview. Brighton: BRIDGE, 1996. 

http://www.bridge.ids.ac.uk/reports/re34c.pdf 

This report discusses conflict-analysis frameworks and gender analysis of conflict as well as several 

gendered dimensions of conflict. It is based on a review of published and unpublished literature, as well 

as on information from agencies operational in conflict areas. It examines how gender relations are 

affected in the four phases of an armed conflict (run-up to conflict, conflict, peace process, post-conflict) 

and what strategies could be pursued to enhance women‟s bargaining power in decision-making processes 

in conflict and peace negotiations. 

Carl, Andy. Women Weaving Bougainville Together: A Contextual Case Study on the Leitana Nehan 

Women‟s Development Agency, Buka, Bougainville Province, Papua New Guinea. Cambridge, MA: 

Reflecting on Peace Practice Project, 2000. 

http://www.cdainc.com/publications/rpp/casestudies/rppCase22PNG.pdf 


This paper discusses the role of the LNWDA in peace building and post-conflict recovery. It examines the 

impacts of the conflict on women and their role as peacemakers, as well as issues facing women in the 

post-conflict context – including alcohol abuse, domestic violence and sexual assault – and what 

LNWDA is doing to address these. It also lists other peace-building organisations working in the 

province. 

El Bushra, Judy. Women Building Peace. London: International Alert, 2003. 

http://www.international-alert.org/pdfs/knowHowPaper.pdf 

This report aims to synthesise the findings of International Alert‟s Women Building Peace: Sharing 

Know-how project. It makes use of a varied set of project activities as well as a range of sources drawn 

from literature on the emerging theme of women and peace building. Issues discussed include women‟s 

experiences of conflict, women‟s analyses of peace and conflict, women‟s peace activism and priority 

areas for future funding and support. The discussion includes some brief references to Bougainville and 

its matrilineal land tenure. 

El Bushra, Judy, Asha El Karib and Angela Hadjipateras. Gender-sensitive Programme Design and 

Planning in Conflict-Affected Situations: Research Report. London; Nairobi: ACCORD, 2002. 

http://www.acord.org.uk/Publications/G&CResearch/ACORD%20Gender%20and%20Conflict%20Resea 

rch%20Report.pdf 

This report on field research carried out in several African countries discusses how to enhance gender 

sensitivity in the design and management of development projects in areas affected by conflict. It is 

primarily focused on the post-conflict context, namely, how gender relations change in the wake of 

conflict, but does also include discussion of how gender identities fuel or influence conflict. 


Fingleton, Jim. Pacific 2020 Background Paper: Land. Canberra: AusAid, 2005. 

http://www.ausaid.gov.au/publications/pdf/background_land.pdf 

This paper argues that while many factors have an influence on promoting growth, security of land tenure 

is a major factor. It contends that although the many different customary land tenures across the Pacific 

have served Pacific peoples well in the past, these systems need to be adjusted to the new demands being 

put on land by population increase, urban migration, the need for cash and people‟s raised expectations 

from life. The challenge facing governments in the region, and the aid agencies assisting them, it argues, 

is to find a “development model” that will facilitate economic growth without causing widespread 

dispossession and the poverty and social dislocation that would result. It includes a general overview of 

current land tenure practices throughout the Pacific. 

Greenberg, Marcia E., and Elaine Zuckerman. Gender Dimensions of Post-Conflict Reconstruction (with 

World Bank examples). Paper presented on behalf of Gender Action at the Brookings Institution as part of 

the civil society events around the World Bank-IMF Annual Meeting, Washington, D.C., 29 September 

2004. 

http://www.genderaction.org/images/2004-9_GenderDimentionsofPCReconstruction.pdf 

This paper builds on previous literature that has addressed advocacy for women during conflict and peace 

negotiations, peacekeeping and peacemaking, shifting the focus to stages that follow. It addresses 

women‟s inclusion and gender issues beyond conflict settings, humanitarian, peacemaking efforts, and 

peace negotiations: in reconstruction. The concern is with the gender dimensions of development – social, 

economic and political – within a particularised context that is post-conflict. 


Hakena, Helen, Bert Jenkins and Peter Ninnes, eds. NGOs and Post-Conflict Recovery: The Leitana 

Nehan Women‟s Development Agency. Canberra: ANU E Press and Asia Pacific Press, 2006. 

http://epress.anu.edu.au/ngos/pdf/whole_book.pdf 

This online book is intended to document and analyse the role of LNWDA during and after the 

Bougainville conflict. It includes a chapter titled “Gender, Development and Peace” (p. 90), which 

discusses how LNWDA has used the argument re: women‟s special role in Bougainville‟s society to 

support women‟s role in peace building and post-conflict decision making. 

Jacobsen, Ingrid, and Nicole Göler von Ravensburg. Gender Responsive Land Tenure Development. 

Deutsche Eschborn: Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit, 1999. 

http://www.ccap.org.cn/GL/GL-01-5.pdf 

This paper outlines the land-tenure situation women find themselves in worldwide and the challenge 

development organisations face in attempting to narrow the gaps between gender imbalances in land 

tenure and internationally declared aims of gender equality (Chapter 2). The specific role of and 

possibilities for development cooperation in improving the gender equality of land-tenure policy and law 

form one main part of the paper (Chapter 3). Possibilities and methods for better accommodating gender- 

specific intentions in programmes and projects and for avoiding inadvertently favouring either sex, 

excluding certain groups from benefits or even depriving them of previous economic, social, legal or 

political options form the other main part (Chapter 4) of the paper. 


Johnson, Helen. Can Rationality Embrace the Uncanny? New Ways to Manage Conflict in the South 

Pacific. In Georgia Political Science Assoc. Conference Proceedings 2005. Cochran: Georgia Political 

Science Association, 2005. 

http://a-s.clayton.edu/trachtenberg/2005%20Proceedings%20Johnson.pdf 

This paper proposes rethinking the concept of “rational” conflict resolution and uses local ways of 

managing conflict in the Pacific region as a context for exploring the benefits of a critical approach to 

current practice. It proposes that Pacific peoples‟ modes of managing conflict are local, contingent, 

flexible, and ongoing. Two case studies are provided to support this argument, the second of which 

discusses how women have used their gendered social networks to reduce conflict in Bougainville. 

Lockley, Anne. A Piece of Land or A Piece of Paper? Gendered Indicators of Property Rights. Paper 

presented at IWDA Symposium, Canberra, 15 June 2006. 

http://devnet.anu.edu.au/Gender%20powerpoints/Lockley.pdf 

This paper provides a broad discussion and critique of gendered indicators of property rights. It argues 

that while increases in women‟s access to, ownership of and control over property, and subsequently over 

productive resources, signifies advancement in women‟s rights and empowerment, the extent to which 

quantitative measures of ownership, such as numbers of titles, accurately depict women‟s control over, or 

even their access to, those resources is questionable. It includes some examples from Melanesia, 

including Bougainville, and a brief discussion of how attempts to streamline land titles impact women. 

Moser, Annalise. Engendering Conflict Early Warning: Lessons from UNIFEM‟s Gendered Conflict 

Early Warning Project. Suva; New York: UNIFEM, 2006. 

http://www.unifem.org.au/pdfs/engendering_conflict_early_warning_lessons_from_unifem's_solomon_is 

lands_gendered_conflict_early_warning_project.pdf 

The Solomon Islands “Monitoring Peace and Conflict Using Gendered Early Warning Indicators” project 


is one of UNIFEM‟s global series of gendered conflict early warning pilot projects. This report provides 

an account of the methodology used as well as the lessons learned in the process of implementing the 

pilot initiative. It is anticipated that the report will be of use to practitioners interested in gender and 

conflict prevention at the global level. An interim report from this project is available at: 

http://womenwarpeace.org/solomon_islands/docs/Gendered_Early_Warning_Report_2.pdf 

Moser, Annalise. Gender and Indicators Overview Report. Brighton: BRIDGE, University of Sussex. 

2007. http://www.bridge.ids.ac.uk/reports/IndicatorsORfinal.pdf 

Gender sensitive measurements are critical for building the case for taking gender (in)equality seriously, 

for enabling better planning and actions by gender and non-gender specialists, and for holding institutions 

accountable to their commitments on gender. This overview report examines conceptual and 

methodological approaches to gender and measurements of change with a focus on indicators, examining 

current debates and good practice from the grassroots to the international levels. A supplemental 

document and annotated resource list of texts and case studies on indicators is available at: 

http://www.bridge.ids.ac.uk/reports/IndicatorsSRCfinal.pdf 

Moser, Annalise. Peace and Conflict Gender Analysis: Community-level Data from the Solomon Islands. 

Suva; New York: UNIFEM, 2005. 

http://womenwarpeace.org/solomon_islands/docs/PCGA_Solomons.pdf 

This paper provides a Peace and Conflict Gender Analysis (PCGA) of Solomon Islands, focussing on data 

from the community level. This PCGA forms part of the UNIFEM pilot conflict early warning project 

“Monitoring Peace and Conflict Using Gendered Early Warning Indicators.” It reconfirms the fact that 

women and men act in and are affected by conflict and peace in different ways, and it illustrates the fact 

that these roles and experiences are complex and multiple, and do not fit neatly into gendered stereotypes. 

Secondly, it identifies that the meaning and outcomes of men‟s and women‟s experiences in conflict and 

peace are influenced by existing societal gender roles and status. This, in turn, has important implications 

for the planning and implementation of post-conflict recovery and peace-building processes. 


Ninnes, Peter. Building Peace in Bougainville: Gender, Development and Education for Post-Conflict 

Recovery. Paper presented at the ANZCIES conference, Melbourne, 3-5 December 2004. 

http://www.paddle.usp.ac.fj/paddle/cgi-bin/paddle.exe?e=p-0paddle--00-1-0---0-10-TX--4------0-11l--1- 

en-50---20-home---00031-000-1-0utfZz-8-00&a=file&d=HASH866bb4e8ae6690eba9aa03 

This paper reports on a case study of the Leitana Nehan Women‟s Development Organisation. LNWDA 

was formed in 1992, and has managed to survive and thrive in both war and peace, while other local 

NGOs have disappeared or remained relatively limited in their capacity to contribute to the peace- 

building efforts. This paper seeks to analyse how it is that LNWDA has managed to adapt to changing 

circumstances in Bougainville and continue to garner local, national and international support for its 

education, advocacy and counselling programmes. While there is no detailed discussion of land tenure, 

there is some reference to the matrilineal history of Bougainville. 

North-South Institute and International Land Coalition. Transforming Land-related Conflict: Policy, 

practice and possibilities. Ottawa, Rome: North-South Institute and International Land Coalition, 2006. 

http://www.landcoalition.org/pdf/06_pub_nsi_book_full.pdf 

This policy brief discusses the growing concern among various levels of organisations and governments 

about the linkages between problematic land policies and violent conflicts, and the consequent search for 

solutions. Through a review of primary documents and secondary literature, it reflects on several 

questions related to these linkages and how various actors are approaching them. The emphasis is on 

practical options for these actors, but issues not amenable to easy solutions are also raised to provoke 

deeper reflection. A section on gender and intra-group conflict is included. 


OECD. “Land and Violent Conflict: Issues Brief.” Paris: OECD Development Assistance Committee, 

2005. 

http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/26/50/35785480.pdf 

This issues brief outlines key issues and programming options with respect to land-related tensions. 

Interconnected with other issues, stresses or events, these may trigger or fuel local-level violence which 

can spill over into wider-scale violent conflict. It includes limited discussion of gender, and largely in the 

post-conflict context. 

Reimann, Cordula. Towards Gender Mainstreaming in Crisis Prevention and Conflict Management. 

Eschborn: Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit, 2001. 

http://www.siyanda.org/docs_genie/gtz/GTZ_conflict_prevention.pdf 

This document aims to provide theoreticians and practitioners with an outline of the international 

discussion on gender mainstreaming to date, and to answer the question of why gender matters in crisis 

prevention and conflict management. It offers an analytical framework and guidelines on how 

mainstreaming gender can be achieved in these areas. Theory and analysis are illustrated with examples 

and specific dos and don‟ts for putting ideas into practice. A comprehensive bibliography provides 

references for further information, such as publications and other organisations working in these areas. 

Santiago, Asteya. Socio-Economic and Cultural Factors Affecting Women‟s Rights to Land and Property 

in the Asia-Pacific Region. In Women‟s Land and Property Rights in Situations of Conflict and 

Reconstruction: A Reader Based on the February 1998 Inter-Regional Consultation in Kigali, Rwanda, 

24-37. New York: UNIFEM, 2001. 

http://www.icarrd.org/en/icarrd_doc_tec/batch3_Womens.pdf 

This paper presents a broad summary of issues related to women‟s access to land and housing in the Asia- 

Pacific region. These are drawn from the 1991 report of the Asian and Pacific Development Centre 


entitled Gender Sensitivity in Development Planning, Implementation and Evaluation, which presents a 

critique of the situation of women across several countries. It includes a discussion of the impacts of civil 

and inter-ethnic conflicts. 

Schmeidl, Susanne, and Eugenia Pisa-Lopez. Gender and Conflict Early Warning: A Framework for 

Action. London: International Alert, 2002. 

www.onlinewomeninpolitics.org/beijing12/Ewgender.pdf 

This paper argues that until recently a gender perspective was largely absent from conflict analyses, post- 

conflict reconstruction and reconciliation processes and is still (at the time of writing) completely lacking 

from conflict early warning and preventive-response systems. It suggests that the modelling and analysis 

of conflict early warning practices would be improved if gender-based perspectives were included. It 

discusses structural inequality and the root causes of conflict and includes recommendations for 

enhancing and gender sensitising early warning indicators and frameworks. 

Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency. Manual for Conflict Analysis. Stockholm: 

SIDA, 2006. 

http://www.asdi.org/shared/jsp/download.jsp?f=Manual_Conflict_analysis.pdf&a=5169 

This methods document discusses and provides examples of conflict-analysis tools used by SIDA to 

promote conflict-sensitive development. While it makes only limited mention of gender, the manual is 

useful as an example of a bilateral donor‟s approach to conflict analysis. 


Tonissen, Michelle. The relationship between development and violence against women in post-conflict 

Bougainville. Development Bulletin 53 (2000): 26-28. 

http://devnet.anu.edu.au/GenderPacific/pdfs/08_gen_peace_tonissen.pdf 

The number of conflicts fought between and within countries has risen since World War II. One 

consequence of conflict is increasing violence, especially violence against women. This paper examines 

this violence against women as both a social and a development issue, using Bougainville as an example 

of a society that has experienced conflict and where violence against women is prevalent. 

UNCHS (Habitat). Women‟s Rights to Land, Housing and Property in Post-conflict Situations and 

During Reconstruction: A Global Overview. Nairobi: UNCHS (Habitat), 1999. 

http://www.unhabitat.org/downloads/docs/1504_59744_Land.pdf2.pdf 

This report, prepared as an outcome of the Habitat 1998/99 Work Programme, focuses on women, land 

and conflict, primarily in the post-conflict context. It includes case studies from Guatemala, Eritrea and 

Liberia and makes several recommendations for enhancing women‟s status and access to land and 

housing post-conflict. These include involving women and women‟s organisations in the negotiation of 

peace agreements and in the reconstruction process from the outset and including specific provisions 

which recognise and protect women‟s independent rights to land, housing and property in any new laws 

relevant to these areas. 

UNDP. Gender Approaches in Conflict and Post-Conflict Situations. New York: UNDP, 2002. 

http://www.undp.org/women/docs/gendermanualfinalBCPR.pdf 

This guide to mainstreaming gender in conflict and post-conflict analyses aims to improve gender 

equality outcomes in humanitarian interventions. It includes discussion of key concepts and issues, 

including brief mention of pre-conflict gender stereotypes/impacts, and tools for gender mainstreaming. 

There is some discussion of women‟s rights to land, but primarily in the post-conflict context. 


UNDP Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Recovery. Can Conflict Analysis Processes Support Gendered 

Visions of Peacebuilding? Reflections from the Peace and Stability Development Analysis in Fiji. New 

York: UNDP, 2006. 

http://www.undp.org/bcpr/documents/BCPR_Report_Gender_Paper.pdf 

This paper focuses on an analysis of the lessons learned from applications of the Peace and Stability 

Development Analysis (PSDA) initiated in 2005 by UNDP and the Government of Fiji. It argues that 

conflict and development analysis processes such as the PSDA are inextricably linked to notions of 

gender equality and that transforming gender relations for women and men needs to come to the 

foreground of the agenda for peace- and conflict-related aspects of development in order to achieve 

conflict transformation. It contends that current efforts in conflict analysis and development approaches 

fall short in ensuring that gender concerns and women‟s voices emerge in the process. 

UNIFEM. Gender and Conflict Analysis: Policy Briefing Paper. New York: UNIFEM, 2006. 

www.womenwarpeace.org/UNIFEM_Conflict_Prevention.pdf 

This four-page briefing paper outlines basic elements of gender-sensitive conflict analysis frameworks. It 

shares findings from three pilot projects on gender-sensitive conflict monitoring conducted by UNIFEM 

in 2004-2005: in the Ferghana Valley, in Colombia, and in Solomon Islands. It advocates for early 

analysis in order to minimise conflict and includes discussion of root causes, catalysts and manifestations 

of conflict. 

UNIFEM. Gender Profile of the Conflict in Bougainville Papua New Guinea” New York: UNIFEM 

WomenWarPeace.org, No date. 

http://www.womenwarpeace.org/bougainville/bougainville.htm 


This in-depth web-based resource covering women‟s experiences of the Bougainville war includes 

discussion of political and security impacts, humanitarian impacts, and human rights violations. It also 

includes links to several related documents, including first-hand accounts from local women, and contact 

information for local NGOs. 

UNIFEM. Getting it Right, Doing it Right: Gender and Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration. 

New York: UNIFEM, Oct. 2004. http://www.womenwarpeace.org/issues/ddr/gettingitright.pdf 

This UNIFEM handbook is intended to help in planning and executing disarmament, demobilisation and 

reintegration operations. It contains reflections and lessons learned, case studies and practical guidance in 

the form of a model standard-operating procedure. It includes a case study on the Bougainville conflict, 

which features a good discussion of women‟s role in ending conflict and gendered post-conflict impacts, 

including negative impacts on land tenure and the exclusion of women from peace-process negotiations. 

UNIFEM. Women‟s Land and Property Rights in Situations of Conflict and Reconstruction: A Reader 

Based on the February 1998 Inter-Regional Consultation in Kigali, Rwanda, 24-37. New York: 

UNIFEM, 2001. 

http://www.icarrd.org/en/icarrd_doc_tec/batch3_Womens.pdf 

This document is a compilation of background papers, case studies and good practices resulting from the 

Kigali consultation on women‟s land and property rights convened by UNIFEM, together with UNDP, 

UNHCR and Habitat, in 1998. The various elements provide insight into changes in land and inheritance 

rights brought about by conflict and its attendant disruptions in countries around the globe. Includes a 

background paper titled “Socio-Economic and Cultural Factors Affecting Women‟s Rights to Land and 

Property in the Asia-Pacific Region,” which is summarised in more detail above. See entry for Santiago. 


Additional Website 

femLinkpacific is a non-government organisation that uses community media initiatives to promote 

“women speaking to women for peace”. femLINKpacific was established in Fiji in September 2000 and 

now works throughout the Pacific. The website provides sources of Pacific specific information and e- 

bulletins to subscribers. http://www.femlinkpacific.org.fj 

References 

Amnesty International. Solomon Islands: Women Confronting Violence. Hong Kong: Amnesty 

International, 2004. http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/engasa430012004 

Amnesty International. Violence Against Women in Armed Conflict Situations Across Asia and Pacific 

Region. Hong Kong: Amnesty International, No date 

http://asiapacific.amnesty.org/apro/aproweb.nsf/pages/issue8_VAWConflict 

Anderlini, Sanam. Mainstreaming Gender in Conflict Analysis: Issues and Recommendations” World 

Bank Social Development Papers: Conflict Prevention and Reconstruction, Paper No 33. 

Washington, D.C.: World Bank, February 2006. 

www.womenwarpeace.org/issues/Mainstreaming_gender_Anderlini.pdf 

AusAid. Pacific 2020: Challenges for Opportunity and Growth. Canberra: AusAid, 2006. 

www.ausaid.gov.au/hottopics/topic.cfm?ID=4696_2977_1016_710_2650 

Carl, Andy. Women Weaving Bougainville Together: A Contextual Case Study on the Leitana Nehan 

Women‟s Development Agency, Buka, Bougainville Province, Papua New Guinea. Cambridge, 

MA: Reflecting on Peace Practice Project, 2000. 

femLINKpacific. E-News Bulletin 1: Women Peace and Human Security. Suva: femLINKpacific, 2007. 

http://www.femlinkpacific.org.fj/index.cfm?si=main.resources&cmd=forumview&cbegin=0&uid 

=menuitems&cid=17 

Fingleton, Jim. Pacific 2020 Background Paper: Land. Canberra: AusAid, 2005. 

http://www.ausaid.gov.au/publications/pdf/background_land.pdf 


Garup, Sarah. Kup Women for Peace: Women Taking Action to Build Peace and Influence Community 

Decision Making. State Society and Governance in Melanesia, Discussion Paper. Canberra: 

Australian National University, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, April 2004. 

http://dspace.anu.edu.au/bitstream/1885/42058/1/04_04_dp_garap.pdf 

Gregory, Robert, and Janet Gregory. “Conflict Resolution on Tanna, Vanuatu.” South Pacific Journal of 

Psychology 14 (2002/2003):60 – 68. http://spjp.massey.ac.nz/issues/2002-v14/v14-gregory.pdf 

Grown, Caren, G.R. Gupta and A. Kes. Taking Action: Achieving Gender Equality and Empowering 

Women. New York: UN Millennium Project, 2005. 

Hassal, Graham. “Alternative Dispute Resolution in Pacific Island Countries.” Journal of South Pacific 

Law 9, no. 2 (2005). www.paclii.org/journals/fJSPL/vol09no2/4.shtml 

International Land Coalition. Women‟s Access and Rights to Land: Gender Relations in Tenure. Final 

Report of Advisory Group Working Meeting Convened by IDRC and the ILC. Rome: IDRC; 

ILC, 2006. www.landcoalition.org/pdf/ev06_idrc_fr1.pdf 

Jalal, P.I. Pacific Culture and Human Rights: Why Pacific Countries Should Ratify Human Rights 

Treaties. Suva: UNDP Pacific Regional Rights Resource Team, 2006. 

www.rrrt.org/assets/Pacific%20Culture%20and%20Human%20Rights.pdf 

Jalal, P. Imrana. “Gender issues in post coup d‟état Fiji: snapshots from the Fiji Islands.” Development 

Bulletin 59 (Oct. 2002): 28-30. http://devnet.anu.edu.au/db59pdfs.php 

Jalal, P. Imrana. Law for Pacific Women: A Legal Rights Handbook. Suva: Fiji Women‟s Rights 

Movement, 1998. 

Johnson, Helen. Can Rationality Embrace the Uncanny? New Ways to Manage Conflict in the South 

Pacific. In Georgia Political Science Assoc. Conference Proceedings 2005. Cochran: Georgia 

Political Science Association, 2005. http://www.a- 

s.clayton.edu/trachtenberg/2005%20Proceedings%20Johnson.pdf 

Klingebiel, Stephan. “Crisis Prevention and Conflict Management: New Fields of Development 

Cooperation.” Development and Cooperation 5 (2002): 8–11. www.inwent.org/E+Z/1997- 

2002/de502-4.htm 

Lockley, Anne. A Piece of Land or a Piece of Paper? Gendered Indicators of Property Rights. Paper 

presented at IWDA Symposium, at Canberra, 15 June 2006. 

McLeod, Abby. Women, Peace and Security: An examination of the role of women in the prevention and 

resolution of conflict in Vanuatu. Paper presented at Fourth Australasian Women and Policing 


Conference, Darwin, 21-24 August 2004. www.aic.gov.au/conferences/2005- 

policewomen/mcleod.pdf 

Moser, Annalise. Engendering Conflict Early Warning: Lessons from UNIFEM‟s Gendered Conflict 

Early Warning Project. Suva; New York: UNIFEM, 2006. 

http://www.unifem.org.au/pdfs/engendering_conflict_early_warning_lessons_from_unifem's_solomon_is 

lands_gendered_conflict_early_warning_project.pdf 

Nathan, Laurie. Crisis Resolution and Conflict Management in Africa. Presentation at the Consultation 

on the Nexus between Economic Management and the Restoration of Social Capital in Southern 

Africa, World Bank and Centre for Conflict Resolution, Cape Town, 11-13 October 1998. 

http://ccrweb.ccr.uct.ac.za/archive/staff_papers/laurie_bank.html 

Nelson, Carol. Women and Disarmament: What can be learned from conflicts in Solomon Islands, 

Bougainville and PNG. Presented at the In the Right Hands Seminar, at Christchurch New 

Zealand, February 2006. 

Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat. The Pacific Plan for Strengthening Regional Cooperation and 

Integration. Suva: Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat, 2005. http://www.pacificplan.org 

Pollard, Alice. “Resolving Conflict in Solomon Islands: The Women for Peace Approach.” Development 

Bulletin 53 (Nov. 2000): 44-46. www.womenwarpeace.org/csw/solomons_pollard.pdf 

Rao, Vijayendra. “On „Inequality Traps‟ and Development Policy.” Development Outreach (February 

2006). http://www1.worldbank.org/devoutreach/february06/article.asp?id=350 

Regan, Antony. Case Study Bougainville. http://www.nieuwsbank.nl/papua-lobby/16regan.pdf 

Rojas, Christina, and E. Caro. Gender, Conflict and Peace in Columbia: A Research Agenda, Working 

Paper No. 6. Ottawa: IDRC Peacebuilding and Reconstruction Program Initiative, 2002. 

http://www.idrc.ca/en/ev-32244-201-1-DO_TOPIC.html. 

Romer, Kate, and A. Renzaho. “Re-emerging Conflict in the Solomon Islands? The underlying causes and 

triggers of the riots of April 2006.” Journal of Peace Conflict and Development 10 (March 2007). 

www.peacestudiesjournal.org.uk/docs/Conflict%20in%20Solomon%20Islands%20FINAL%20E 

DIT.pdf 

Santiago, Asteya. “Socio-Economic and Cultural Factors Affecting Women‟s Rights to Land and 

Property in the Asia-Pacific Region.” In Women‟s Land and Property Rights in Situations of 

Conflict and Reconstruction: A Reader Based on the February 1998 Inter-Regional Consultation 


in Kigali, Rwanda, 24-37. New York: UNIFEM, 2001. 

http://www.reliefweb.int/library/documents/2001/unifem-landrights-jul.pdf 

Schmeidl, Susanne, and E. Pisa-Lopez. Gender and Conflict Early Warning: A Framework for Action. 

London: International Alert, 2002. www.onlinewomeninpolitics.org/beijing12/Ewgender.pdf 

Strongman, John, A. Eftimie and Graeme Hancock. Women in Energy and Mining, Voices for Change 

and a Vision for a Better Future. Presentation for PNG World Energy Week, Washington DC, 

March 2004. www.esmap.org/filez/pubs/INFVPACSWomenMining.pdf 

UNDP. “Inequality and human development.” Chap. 2 in Human Development Report 2005. New York: 

UNDP, 2005. http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2005/ 

UNDP. Solomon Islands Peace Conflict and Development Analysis: Emerging Priorities in Preventing 

Future Violent Conflict. Suva: UNDP, 2004. 

www.undp.org/bcpr/documents/prevention/integrate/country_app/sol_is/Solomon_Islands_- 

_PCDA_Report.pdf 

UNEP. Women and the Environment, Policy Series. Nairobi: UNEP, 2004. 

http://www.wedo.org/files/WomenandtheEnvironment.pdf 

UNIFEM. Gender and Conflict Analysis: Policy Briefing Paper. New York: UNIFEM, 2006. 

www.womenwarpeace.org/UNIFEM_Conflict_Prevention.pdf 

UNIFEM. Gender Profile of the Conflict in Bougainville Papua New Guinea. New York: UNIFEM 

WomenWarPeace.org, No date. http://www.womenwarpeace.org/bougainville/bougainville.htm 

UNIFEM. Gender Profile of the Conflict in Fiji. New York: UNIFEM WomenWarPeace.org, No date. 

http://www.womenwarpeace.org/fiji/fiji_pfv.pdf 

UNIFEM. Getting it Right, Doing it Right: Gender and Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration. 

New York: UNIFEM, Oct. 2004. http://www.womenwarpeace.org/issues/ddr/gettingitright.pdf 

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Security Council, 2002. 

University of the South Pacific; Institute of Pacific Studies, Gender and Land Project. Presentation on 

Matrilineal Land Tenure in the Solomon Islands, at Suva, Fiji, May 2007. 

Wolfers, Edward P. “Joint Creation: the Bougainville Peace Agreement – and beyond.” Accord (2002). 

http://www.c-r.org/our-work/accord/png-bougainville/joint-creation.php 

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Washington, D.C.: Agriculture and Rural Development Department, 2005. 


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ministrationProjectsaSynthesisReportPDF/$FILE/Gender_land_fulltxt.pdf 


Notes 

1 

International Land Coalition, “Women‟s Access and Rights to Land: Gender Relations in Tenure.” 

2 

UN Security Council, Report of the Secretary General on Women, Peace and Security, 12. 

3 

Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat, The Pacific Plan, 18. The Pacific Plan is a “living document” guiding long term 

development in the Pacific region. It has been developed and is managed under the auspices of Pacific leaders 

and the Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat. 

United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) was adopted at the 4213 th meeting of the Security 

Council on 31 October 2000. Appendix 1 presents an abridged version of the resolution. 

4 

See Annotated Bibliography. 

5 

Moser, Engendering Conflict Early Warning: Lessons from UNIFEM‟s Gendered Conflict Early Warning Project. 

6 

UNDP, “Inequality and human development,” in Human Development Report 2005, 49-69. 

See also, Rao, “On „Inequality Traps‟ and Development Policy.” 

7 

Rojas and Caro, “Gender, Conflict and Peace in Columbia: A Research Agenda.” 

8 

See Appendix 1. 

9 

Jalal, Pacific Culture and Human Rights: Why Pacific Countries Should Ratify Human Rights Treaties. 

10 

UNDP. “Inequality and human development.” Chap. 2 in Human Development Report 2005. 

11 

Nathan, Crisis Resolution and Conflict Management in Africa. 

12 

UNEP, Women and the Environment. 

13 

Jalal, Law for Pacific Women: A Legal Rights Handbook, 64-65. 

14 

University of the South Pacific: Gender and Land Project, Presentation on Matrilineal Land Tenure in the 

Solomon Islands. 

15 

Johnson, Can Rationality Embrace the Uncanny? New Ways to Manage Conflict in the South Pacific. 

16 

CEDAW Articles 7, 14 and 15 address these issues. 

17 

Jalal, Law for Pacific Women: A Legal Rights Handbook, 53–68. 

18 

Lockley, A Piece of Land or A Piece of Paper? Gendered Indicators of Property Rights, 3. 

19 

UNIFEM, Getting it Right, Doing it Right: Gender and Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration, 22. 

20 

Jalal, Law for Pacific Women: A Legal Rights Handbook, 64-65. 

21 

Strongman, Eftimie and Hancock. Women in Energy and Mining, Voices for Change and a Vision for a Better 

Future. 

22 

Pollard, Resolving Conflict in the Solomon Islands: The Women for Peace Approach, 46. 

23 

UNIFEM, Getting it Right, Doing it Right: Gender and Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration, 23. 

24 

Amnesty International, Violence Against Women in Armed Conflict Situations Across Asia and Pacific Region. 

25 

Pollard, Resolving Conflict in the Solomon Islands: The Women for Peace Approach, 46. In Solomon Islands, 

approximately 48% of the population is under the age of 14 years and 75% is under 30 years. Only 2.4% of the 

population is over 55 years of age. 

26 

Johnson, Can Rationality Embrace the Uncanny? New Ways to Manage Conflict in the South Pacific, 8. 

27 

Pollard, Resolving Conflict in the Solomon Islands: The Women for Peace Approach. 

Garup, Kup Women for Peace: Women Taking Action to Build Peace and Influence Community Decision Making. 

femLINKpacific, “E-News Bulletin: Women Peace and Human Security. Includes consultations with Solomon 

Islands and Fijian women about community empowerment and human security. 

28 

Johnson, Can Rationality Embrace the Uncanny? 


29 

Garup, Kup Women for Peace: Women Taking Action to Build Peace and Influence Community Decision Making. 

30 

Jalal, Gender and race in post coup d‟état Fiji: snapshots from the Fiji Islands. 

31 

Carl, Women Weaving Bougainville Together. 

32 

UNIFEM, Gender Profile of the Conflict in Bougainville Papua New Guinea. 

33 

Anderlini, Mainstreaming Gender in Conflict Analysis: Issues and Recommendations. 

34 

Nelson, Women and Disarmament: What can be learned from conflicts in Solomon Islands, Bougainville and 

PNG. 

35 

UNIFEM, Gender and Conflict Analysis: Policy Briefing Paper. 

36 

World Bank, Gender Issues and Best Practices in Land Administration Projects: A Synthesis Report. 

37 Anderlini, Mainstreaming Gender in Conflict Analysis: Issues and Recommendations. 

38 femLINKpacific, E-News Bulletin: Women Peace and Human Security. Includes consultations with Solomon 

Islands and Fijian women about community empowerment and human security. 

39 Moser, Engendering Conflict Early Warning: Lessons from UNIFEM‟s Gendered Conflict Early Warning Project. 

40 Ibid. 

Pollard, Resolving Conflict in the Solomon Islands: The Women for Peace Approach. 

41 Ibid. 

42 Klingebiel, Crisis Prevention and Conflict Management: New Fields of Development Cooperation. Development 

Cooperation. 

43 Santiago, Socio-Economic and Cultural Factors Affecting Women‟s Rights to Land and Property in the Asia- 

Pacific Region. 

44 Pollard, Resolving Conflict in the Solomon Islands: The Women for Peace Approach. 

45 Garup, Kup Women for Peace: Women Taking Action to Build Peace and Influence Community Decision Making. 

46 

Ibid. 

47 

Jalal, Law for Pacific Women: A Legal Rights Handbook. 

48 

Nelson, Women and Disarmament: What can be learned from conflicts in Solomon Islands, Bougainville and 

PNG. 

49 

Grown, Gupta and Kes, Taking Action: Achieving Gender Equality and Empowering Women. 

50 

Jalal, Gender issues in post coup d‟état Fiji: snapshots from the Fiji Islands. 

51 

Grown, Gupta and Kes, Taking Action: Achieving Gender Equality and Empowering Women, 138.

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