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Cointelpro Disruption<br />

Continues<br />

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Proof has continued to accumulate that the<br />

notorious Cointelpro operations, has still<br />

functioned beyond April of 1971, when it was<br />

supposedly officially discontinued :<br />

Whether or not Cointelpro continues to exist<br />

under its original code name, there is always the<br />

strong possiblility that a similar program with a<br />

different name, or no name at all, has surfaced in<br />

its place . At any rate, recent incidents and<br />

revelations throughout the country bear closer<br />

scrutiny, as the ominous spectre of Cointelpro<br />

lingers on .<br />

Two cases in North Carolina, the Wilimington<br />

10 and the Charlotte Three, involving persons<br />

convicted of crimes in the early `70's during<br />

periods of "racial disturbances," have been<br />

receiving plenty of attention by the media . In the<br />

Wilmington lb case, Rev . Ben Chavis and nine<br />

others were sentenced to prison on charges of<br />

arson during racial unrest in Wilmington, North<br />

Carolina in 1971 . Nine of the members have<br />

since been freed from prison, with the leader of<br />

the group of young civil rights workers still<br />

incarcerated .<br />

Charging President Carter with joining the<br />

conspiracy against Chavis and the Wilmington<br />

10, Dr . Charles Cobb, Executive Director of the<br />

Commission for Racial Justice of the United<br />

Church of Christ, recently announced plans to<br />

bring the case before the United Nations for a<br />

hearing . Amnesty International (A . L)<br />

recognized the 10 as "prisoners of conscience ."<br />

Cobb decided to take the case to the U .N . after<br />

repeated attempts to get the U .S . Department of<br />

Justice to look into charges that the 10 were<br />

framed and railroaded into jail were<br />

unsuccessful .<br />

In d quick reversal of form, the Justice<br />

Department, which had paid the witnesses that<br />

convicted them, has asked a federal judge in<br />

North Carolina to overturn the 1972 state court<br />

firebombing convictions of the Wilminton 10 .<br />

Drew Days III, chief of the Department's Civil<br />

Rights Division, stated in an 89-page brief that a<br />

review of the case has uncovered evidence that<br />

the defendants were denied their constitutional<br />

right to a fair trial . The brief asserts that the<br />

state prosecutor and judge suppressed a<br />

statement that raised doubts about the testimony<br />

of the key prosecution witness, and that this act<br />

kviolated the defendants' rights .<br />

Meanwhile, the three <strong>Black</strong> activists who<br />

comprise the Charlotte Three, remain<br />

imprisoned after their 1972 convictions for<br />

allegedly having firebombed a Charlotte riding<br />

stable that refused to rent horses to <strong>Black</strong> people .<br />

A recent appeal to have their case heard by the<br />

U.S . Supreme Court was rejected . The three,<br />

Jim Grant, T .J . Reddy and Charles Parker, were<br />

given 25, 2p, and 10-year prison terms<br />

respectively, the longest prison terms in state<br />

history for arson in which no one was injured .<br />

The Charlotte Three have also been adopted by<br />

A . I . as prisoners of conscience .<br />

These two cases are very closely linked for<br />

some interesting reasons . First, the prosecution<br />

used the same witnesses against both sets of<br />

defendants to obtain convictions . The<br />

witnesses, Al Hood and David Washington, had<br />

a long string of charges against them<br />

immediately prior to their testimony in the two<br />

cases . Washington, for example, was the prime<br />

suspect in five murder cases in the Charlotte<br />

area . But charges were dropped in exchange for<br />

his testimony against Chavis and the Charlotte<br />

Three trials .<br />

While it is widely acknowledges that bargains<br />

are made nearly all the time between the<br />

prosecution and what are felt to be key witnesses,<br />

who are given immunity in return for their<br />

testimony, immunity usually only extends to the<br />

particular case being tried, and not to a host of<br />

other unrelated crimes, as was done with Hood<br />

and Washington .<br />

But the most startling revelation which leads<br />

right to the core of the federal government, is<br />

that the two key witnesses were paid at least<br />

$4,000 apiece for their testimony by none other<br />

than the U.S . Department of Justice! The<br />

payments were authorized by then-Assistant<br />

Attorney General for Internal Security, Robert<br />

Mardian, later a Watergate felon . These facts<br />

were uncovered and reported two years after the<br />

Charlotte Three trial by the Charlotte Observer.<br />

The obvious question is why is the federal<br />

government paying money to witnesses, for<br />

testimony in State proceedings? Were these men<br />

employees or agents-provocateur for the federal<br />

government? From what funds were these<br />

witnesses paid? One thing is certain and that is<br />

that Mardian, John Mitchell, and other high<br />

government officials were'obviously interested in<br />

the outcome of these trials .<br />

In one of the bloodiest and most overt acts of<br />

murder carried out by local police with federal<br />

assistance, in the early morning hours of<br />

December 4, 1969, Illinois chapter <strong>Black</strong> Panther<br />

Party members Fred Hampton and Mark Clark<br />

were killed in their sleep . The repercussions;

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