PDF, GB, 139 p., 796 Ko - Femise

PDF, GB, 139 p., 796 Ko - Femise PDF, GB, 139 p., 796 Ko - Femise

12.10.2013 Views

MFN tariff rates on non-agricultural products (WTO definition) are generally lower (5.1% on average), with the highest rates (ranging up to 34.4%) applying to fish and fishery products and textiles and clothing. MFN tariffs on agricultural products (WTO definition) remain high, with an average tariff of 32.9%, and rates varying considerably among product groups. Tariffs are particularly high on dairy products (with an average rate of 124.4%), fruit and vegetables (54.0%), and live animals and products thereof (50.4%) (see later). Tariffs are relatively low on chemicals and photographic supplies (with an average rate of 2.2%), mineral products (3.6%), and transport equipment (3.6%). Due to the low tariffs, tariff escalation almost does not exist, with a higher range, close to 8 percent for final and semi-processed products and a lower range for unprocessed products. This system usually provides states a greater degree of protection for the local manufacturing sector, but in recent years tariff escalation has not been maintained in all stages of processing. Overall, the current tariffs represent negative escalation for raw materials and intermediate goods, implying lower effective protection for every stage of processing than was indicated by nominal rates. Coverage of an additional tariff called the “safeguard levy” has also been substantially reduced and phased out, from the equivalent of 2.7 percent of the tariff lines in 1992 to 0.8 percent in 1999 to nil at present. The main difference between MFN tariffs and the safeguard levy is that any change in the former requires approval by the Knesset (the Israeli Parliament), while the levy did not. This fact had introduced a certain element of uncertainty to tariff protection and under strong protestations by the US it had to be phased out. Another aspect of uncertainty for importers results from the fact that Israel has bound rates on just half of its tariff lines. The bound rates are often above the applied MFN rates, giving Israel the possibility to unilaterally raise its applied tariffs. This issue might be solved by narrowing the gap between bound and applied rates, as well as by increasing the coverage of tariff bindings. However the significance of MFN tariff schedules is limited. The bulk of Israel’s imports to supply local consumers is conducted within the framework of free-trade agreements with the EU (now covering 27 countries), the US, EFTA, Canada, Mexico, Turkey; a partial preferential agreement with Jordan and the Customs Union Agreement with the PA. Thus, in 89

practice most importers do not pay the MFN applied tariff, since only about a quarter of Israel’s total imports take place under MFN agreements. For instance, the EU-25 and the US (which in 2004 represented together more than 58% of Israel's merchandise imports) export their goods within the ambit of their respective bilateral trade agreements and receive either duty-free status or their exports are taxed less than the MFN rate. Note that many tariff preferences are subject to quotas. It is also to be noted that in contrast to Poland, an EU member, Israel does not intend to apply Generalized Preferences (GSP) to developing countries in the foreseeable future. Because of the limited role that tariffs (and in the event preferential tariffs) play nowadays in Israel's trade policy, but for the special case of agricultural and food imports (see below), attention must be turned briefly to non-tariff barriers (NTBs). As an integral part of its strategy to become an open economy, Israel abolished many NTBs that used to exist decades ago. The trade agreement between the EU and Israel, for example, prohibits import restrictions except under strict conditions for safeguard or balance-ofpayment reasons. However, NTBs such as import licenses, standards and quality controls still exist. The oldest NTB in Israel is the kosher certificate requirement. The Jewish religion, which in Israel is not separated from the State, demands that almost every product entering the country must be kosher. Over the last decade, with the massive influx of immigrants from Russia, who brought with them a new and more liberal culture and also began to import non-kosher products, the restriction became less rigorous, although officially nothing has changed. In December 1994, Israel restated a ban on imports of non-kosher meat and meat products. And more generally, because of the power of the Rabbinate, any overseas exporter who aims to reach unlimited market access and significant share in Israel must comply with kosher requirements and therefore bear the additional cost of carrying out the "kosher" process. One of the main NTBs in the Israeli economy originates from its centralistic structure regarding imports. While in most countries of the world, especially those with open economies, many firms may import identical products, in Israel only one firm is allowed to 90

practice most importers do not pay the MFN applied tariff, since only about a quarter of<br />

Israel’s total imports take place under MFN agreements. For instance, the EU-25 and the US<br />

(which in 2004 represented together more than 58% of Israel's merchandise imports) export<br />

their goods within the ambit of their respective bilateral trade agreements and receive either<br />

duty-free status or their exports are taxed less than the MFN rate. Note that many tariff<br />

preferences are subject to quotas. It is also to be noted that in contrast to Poland, an EU<br />

member, Israel does not intend to apply Generalized Preferences (GSP) to developing<br />

countries in the foreseeable future.<br />

Because of the limited role that tariffs (and in the event preferential tariffs) play nowadays in<br />

Israel's trade policy, but for the special case of agricultural and food imports (see below),<br />

attention must be turned briefly to non-tariff barriers (NTBs).<br />

As an integral part of its strategy to become an open economy, Israel abolished many NTBs<br />

that used to exist decades ago. The trade agreement between the EU and Israel, for example,<br />

prohibits import restrictions except under strict conditions for safeguard or balance-ofpayment<br />

reasons. However, NTBs such as import licenses, standards and quality controls still<br />

exist.<br />

The oldest NTB in Israel is the kosher certificate requirement. The Jewish religion, which in<br />

Israel is not separated from the State, demands that almost every product entering the country<br />

must be kosher. Over the last decade, with the massive influx of immigrants from Russia, who<br />

brought with them a new and more liberal culture and also began to import non-kosher<br />

products, the restriction became less rigorous, although officially nothing has changed. In<br />

December 1994, Israel restated a ban on imports of non-kosher meat and meat products. And<br />

more generally, because of the power of the Rabbinate, any overseas exporter who aims to<br />

reach unlimited market access and significant share in Israel must comply with kosher<br />

requirements and therefore bear the additional cost of carrying out the "kosher" process.<br />

One of the main NTBs in the Israeli economy originates from its centralistic structure<br />

regarding imports. While in most countries of the world, especially those with open<br />

economies, many firms may import identical products, in Israel only one firm is allowed to<br />

90

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