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<strong>Language</strong> <strong>And</strong> <strong>Verbal</strong><br />

<strong>Communication</strong> <strong>Across</strong> <strong>Cultures</strong><br />

Introduction<br />

Presented by:<br />

Doni <strong>And</strong>ri Cahyono<br />

Bioniko Tauhid<br />

Christoph Schwing<br />

Contents:<br />

Linguistic Relativism and Universalism<br />

Functional Relativity<br />

− <strong>Language</strong> and Context<br />

Differences in <strong>Language</strong> Use <strong>Across</strong> <strong>Cultures</strong><br />

− Values on Speech<br />

− <strong>Language</strong> Styles and Code-Choice<br />

− Speech Acts<br />

− Validity of cross cultural Theorizing<br />

Literature References<br />

Introduction<br />

Translation tools do not consider the context<br />

Importance of the context is different from<br />

language to language and from culture to<br />

culture<br />

For a good translation a good understanding of<br />

both languages and both cultures is required<br />

1<br />

3<br />

5<br />

<strong>Questions</strong>...<br />

...can be posed after the presentation!<br />

Please make notes if necessary.<br />

Introduction<br />

„Different cultures have different systems of<br />

meaning(i.e., languages)[...]“<br />

Difficulties to understand each other<br />

Possible Solution: Translation tools (software,<br />

etc.)<br />

Problem: Translated messages may be<br />

inaccurate<br />

Exact sense cannot be translated<br />

− Only words and grammatical structures<br />

Linguistic Relativism & Universalism<br />

It is commonly accepted “that language, thought<br />

and culture are closely tied together”<br />

Each language has its own worldview<br />

There exist two opposing theories on how<br />

thought and language are interfering<br />

2<br />

4<br />

6


Linguistic Relativism<br />

Linguistic relativity principle:<br />

„which means, in informal terms that users of<br />

markedly different grammars are pointed by their<br />

grammars toward different types of observations<br />

and different evaluations of externally similar<br />

acts of observation, and hence are not<br />

equivalent as observes but must arrive at<br />

somewhat different views of the world“<br />

(Whorf 1956)<br />

Linguistic Universalism<br />

Linguistic Universalism<br />

− Is an opposing theory to the 'Linguistic relativity<br />

principle'<br />

− It states that thinking is not dependent on the<br />

spoken language<br />

Cognitive sciences:<br />

− “mind is inbuilt capacities that have universal<br />

properties”<br />

− Our 'inner language' is universal<br />

Functional Relativism<br />

Now we will have a look at the functional aspects<br />

of Linguistic Relativism<br />

7<br />

9<br />

11<br />

Linguistic Relativism<br />

The linguistic relativity principle states:<br />

− <strong>Language</strong> influences the way of thinking<br />

As an example:<br />

− Comparison of English and Hopi-language<br />

− English:time treated as an object, countable<br />

− Hopi: time treated as a recurring event<br />

Linguistic Universalism<br />

Universal elements:<br />

− Basic terms as colours, etc. may be universal<br />

− Table is a table<br />

− Water is water<br />

Validity of Linguistic Universalism<br />

− Single lexical items<br />

− Connected items creating a grammar are no more<br />

universal<br />

<strong>Language</strong> and context<br />

8<br />

10<br />

12


<strong>Language</strong> and context<br />

Bernstein(1971) while examining children's<br />

language, learned that different classes within a<br />

single-language community use different type of<br />

language.<br />

Children from middle-class family used what<br />

called elaborated code.<br />

Children from lower working-class family used<br />

the restricted code.<br />

Restricted code<br />

<strong>Language</strong> and context<br />

employs short simple grammar and often incomplete<br />

sentences of poor syntactic structure.<br />

is rigid and limited in the use of adjectives and adverbs<br />

manifests small vocabulary and context-bound<br />

requires many shared experiences.<br />

The speaker's intention is implicit and unelaborated.<br />

Speech shows high dependency on extraverbal<br />

channel.<br />

<strong>Language</strong> and context<br />

Positional oriented family<br />

<strong>Communication</strong> system is closed, what one<br />

allow to say or not allow to say depend on the<br />

position in the family hierarchy<br />

Members are seen as of the occupant of the<br />

position in the family hierarchy<br />

Use imperatives mode of control, ask the<br />

children to pursue the obligation that the<br />

occupant of the position must fulfill.<br />

13<br />

15<br />

17<br />

Elaborated code<br />

<strong>Language</strong> and context<br />

makes use of accurate and sophisticated<br />

grammatical structures.<br />

uses wide range of adjectives and adverbs<br />

manifests a relatively large vocabulary.<br />

The speaker's intention, therefore is explicit and<br />

verbally elaborated.<br />

Speech depends little on extraverbal channels.<br />

<strong>Language</strong> and context<br />

Bernstein (1971,1972) relates code not only to<br />

classes but also to family types.<br />

Positional oriented family<br />

Person oriented family<br />

<strong>Language</strong> and context<br />

Positional oriented family<br />

Children neither experience enough elaborated<br />

messages nor realize the necessity to elaborate<br />

their meanings.<br />

These children therefore acquire restricted<br />

code.<br />

14<br />

16<br />

18


<strong>Language</strong> and context<br />

Person oriented family<br />

Members are seen as equal individuals and<br />

judge by their individual qualities<br />

<strong>Communication</strong> system is open, all family<br />

members are allowed to communicate freely.<br />

Use personal appeals that are rational and<br />

personalized and required sophisticated skill of<br />

persuasion.<br />

<strong>Language</strong> and context<br />

Restricted code is also known as high-context<br />

communication.<br />

Elaborated code is also know as low-context<br />

communication.<br />

Roughly speaking,<br />

Eastern societies manifest high-context culture<br />

and more positional<br />

Western societies manifest low-context culture<br />

and more personal<br />

Values on Speech<br />

Zen Buddhists refer language as people’s capability<br />

of thinking, limiting the imagination and imposing<br />

biases, and therefore, they try to meditate without<br />

language and communicate beyond language.<br />

19<br />

21<br />

23<br />

<strong>Language</strong> and context<br />

Person oriented family<br />

Children grow up hearing a variety of messages<br />

that are delivered in well-elaborated manners<br />

and realize that they also have to elaborate to<br />

get their meaning across<br />

These children therefore acquire elaborated<br />

code.<br />

Differences in <strong>Language</strong> Use<br />

<strong>Across</strong> <strong>Cultures</strong><br />

Values on Speech<br />

Yum, 1988 :<br />

The belief of oneness, or a perfect harmony,<br />

became a tenet for all major East Asian religions<br />

including Taoism, Buddhism, and Confucianism.<br />

This will reflect how little faith Eastern cultures place<br />

in words. On the contrary, the Western cultures<br />

have developed a rich tradition of speech,<br />

subscribing to the principle of the universality of<br />

meanings.<br />

20<br />

22<br />

24


Values on Speech<br />

The Western culture of words and the Eastern<br />

culture of harmony are well illustrated in their<br />

respective explanations of the creation of the<br />

universe.<br />

e.g :<br />

Lao-Tze taught to stay away from words, saying,<br />

“To become the way the Nature intended you to be,<br />

you should speak rarely”<br />

(Tao De Jing, 23).<br />

Values on Speech<br />

As a matter of fact, prudent speech is always<br />

encouraged: “if a gentleman is frivolous, he will<br />

lose the respect of his inferiors” (Waley, 1938,<br />

p.85) and these religious teachings are deeply<br />

rooted in the mind of Asians (Gudykunst & Kim,<br />

1984).<br />

According to Western standard, those things are<br />

considered as typical of very reticent behaviour<br />

of Asians (Kang & Pearce, 1983).<br />

Values on Speech<br />

In Asian cultures, rhetoric has been too important<br />

to be severed from its religio-philosophical<br />

context. (Oliver, 1971, p.11).<br />

The Asian attitude toward speech and rhetoric is<br />

characteristically a holistic one; that is, the words<br />

are only part of, and are inseparable from, the<br />

total communication context, which includes the<br />

personal characters of the parties involved and<br />

the nature of the interpersonal relationship<br />

between them (Gudykunst & Kim, 1984).<br />

25<br />

27<br />

29<br />

Values on Speech<br />

Confusius demystifies Lao-Tze’s teachings and<br />

applies them to real-life communication. His<br />

teachings on verbal communication are no more<br />

liberal than those of Lao-Tze.<br />

He taught that “fancy words and embellished<br />

styles do not bear virtues and words more often<br />

than not cause troubles”<br />

Values on Speech<br />

Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle taught the importance<br />

of reasoning and logical persuasion on the other side<br />

of the world :<br />

This rhetorical tradition reflects in a profound way<br />

the Western cultural pattern of logical, rational, and<br />

analytical thinking. A primary function of speech in<br />

this tradition is to express one’s ideas and thoughts<br />

as clearly, logically, and persuasively as possible, so<br />

the speaker can be fully recognized for his or her<br />

individuality in influencing others. (Gudykunst & Kim,<br />

1984, p.140)<br />

Values on Speech<br />

Westerner value silence as a pause, empty<br />

space, absence of sound, or blank in<br />

communication (Hasegawa & Gudykunst, 1998)<br />

and it will make conversationalists become<br />

uneasy.<br />

European culture places a great premium not<br />

only on knowing but also on saying what one<br />

knows (Wierzbicka, 1991).<br />

26<br />

28<br />

30


Values on Speech<br />

Silence is not always valued in Asia since it is<br />

preferred to verbalization only when the latter<br />

poses a threat to the face of self or the other<br />

such as in disagreement, challenge, talking back<br />

to superiors, interrupting the other’s speech,<br />

breaking peace by initiating a conversation, and<br />

speaking out one’s knowledge. Therefore, when<br />

a response or active participation is expected by<br />

the other person, keeping silent is rather<br />

considered impolite or uncooperative.<br />

<strong>Language</strong>s Styles and Code-Choice<br />

The cardinal devotion of the Asian mind to the<br />

related concepts of unity and harmony (Oliver,<br />

1971 p. 10) gave rise to two crucial linguistic<br />

characteristics:<br />

1. status-markedness<br />

2. group-orientedness.<br />

Goldstein and Tamura (1975), after a lengthy<br />

comparison between Japanese and American<br />

English, concluded that Japanese focuses much<br />

more sharply on two elements, status and group,<br />

than does American English.<br />

<strong>Language</strong>s Styles and Code-Choice<br />

In Asia, status difference overrules social<br />

distance. Whenever one speaks to a superior or<br />

an elder, one has to employ honorifics no matter<br />

how close they may be. The informal one-down<br />

style in the Korean language is especially used<br />

toward intimate superiors. The formal one-up<br />

style is used toward inferiors who have already<br />

established respectable degrees of status.<br />

31<br />

33<br />

35<br />

Values on Speech<br />

Japanese viewed silence very negative in some<br />

situations. Particularly when communicating with<br />

a stranger, silence is considered more negative<br />

(Hasegawa and Gudykunst, 1998).<br />

<strong>Language</strong>s Styles and Code-Choice<br />

Indo-European languages use some isolated<br />

linguistic devices, such as pronouns (Brown &<br />

Gilman, 1960), address terms (Ervin-Tripp, 1974)<br />

and more or less imposing speech acts (Brown<br />

and Levinson, 1987), to mark status differences.<br />

Korean and Japanese manifests the differences<br />

in the whole system of language. Koreans<br />

distinguish five different styles of language in<br />

terms of formality: formal one-down, informal<br />

one-down, one-across, formal one-up, and<br />

informal one-up, in order of the respect<br />

manifested.<br />

<strong>Language</strong>s Styles and Code-Choice<br />

Asians tend to distinguish between the private<br />

code, language used when no third parties are<br />

present and the public code, language used in<br />

presence of others.<br />

In Japan, the parents or grandparents, when<br />

speaking to one another in the presence of<br />

children, mostly use the same kinship terms used<br />

by the children to respect the other’s status.<br />

32<br />

34<br />

36


<strong>Language</strong>s Styles and Code-Choice<br />

Age is one of the most important elements of status.<br />

In Korea, a difference of even one or two years in<br />

age creates a difference in status. Within the sibling<br />

group, age differences are well respected in<br />

Japanese and Korean families.<br />

Older siblings call the younger by name, younger<br />

siblings call the older by kinship terms such as<br />

“older brother” or “older sister” (Goldstein & Tamura,<br />

1975).<br />

These age differences outside family, nevertheless,<br />

are also well respected.<br />

<strong>Language</strong>s Styles and Code-Choice<br />

In English, one cannot carry on a conversation<br />

without pronouns, and one feels uncomfortable<br />

speaking when the name of hearer has been<br />

forgotten (Goldstein & Tamura, 1975). English<br />

speakers need to confirm constantly the<br />

individual identity of the other person.<br />

Speech Acts<br />

Asians compared to Westerners are very low in<br />

self-assertiveness.<br />

Japanese is more regulated than white English,<br />

which, in turn, is more regulated than black<br />

English (Kochman, 1981). Particularly between<br />

ingroups, Asians tend to suppress confrontations<br />

or expression of negative verbal messages.<br />

Courtesy often takes precedence over<br />

truthfulness (Gudykunst & Kim, 1984, p. 142)<br />

which leads Asians to give an agreeable and<br />

pleasant answer to a question when a literal,<br />

factual answer might be unpleasant or<br />

embarrassing (Hall & Whyte, 1960).<br />

37<br />

39<br />

41<br />

<strong>Language</strong>s Styles and Code-Choice<br />

Group identity in Japanese and Korean goes<br />

beyond identifying with ingroup members. Their<br />

languages manifest careful considerations not to<br />

separate the other from self.<br />

In Japanese and Korean, the confirmation of<br />

individual identities is avoided throughout the<br />

conversation by minimizing the use of you, I, and<br />

each other’s name. They can speak perfectly well<br />

with minimal reliance on pronouns (when the<br />

subject of a sentence is a pronoun, it is usually<br />

omitted) and are quite comfortable even if they<br />

cannot remember the other’s name (Goldstein &<br />

Tamura, 1975).<br />

Speech Acts<br />

Asians tend to be concerned more with the<br />

overall emotional quality of the interaction than<br />

with the meaning of particular words or<br />

sentences (Gudykunst & Kim, 1984, p. 142).<br />

They believe that in the long term their<br />

relationship –not their words- will help<br />

accomplish their communication goals.<br />

Speech Acts<br />

Asians tend to suppress expression of their emotion.<br />

Being emotional in Asian culture is believed to reflect<br />

a lack of self-control, which is a sign of a frivolous<br />

nature. Asians will say good instead of fantastic and<br />

not very good instead of terrible.<br />

Even when expressing strong personal affection, a<br />

style of hesitancy and indirectness is commonly<br />

preferred. Asians can even be suspicious of the<br />

genuineness of direct verbal expressions of love and<br />

respect. Excessive verbal praise or compliments<br />

sometimes are received with feelings of<br />

embarrassment (Gudykunst & Kim, 1984, p.142)<br />

38<br />

40<br />

42


Speech Acts<br />

Italian culture, Slavic cultures, Jewish culture,<br />

and American black culture are also very<br />

expressive. These cultures value “uninhibited<br />

emotional expression” whether feelings are good<br />

or bad (Wierzbicka, 1991).<br />

Low assertiveness and expressiveness of Asians<br />

inevitably lead to high ambiguity of their<br />

messages.<br />

Speech Acts<br />

The ways in Asians generate implicatures fall<br />

outside the scope of Grice’s theory. As Yoshikawa<br />

(1978) observes, what is verbally expressed and<br />

what is actually intended are two different things.<br />

To understand the real intention, one should not<br />

know the knowledge of conversation and<br />

contextual information but pure intuition obtained<br />

through a lengthy history of contact with the<br />

speaker.<br />

Validity of Cross-Cultural<br />

Theorizing<br />

In 1994, Lim reported that the “wants” to be<br />

autonomous, respected, competent, and<br />

accepted which correspond to Brown and<br />

Levinson claimed, in 1987, that universal theory<br />

of politeness was based on a dozen languages<br />

from all quarters of the world.<br />

43<br />

45<br />

47<br />

Speech Acts<br />

Ambiguity of messages prompted cultures<br />

emphasizing high-context communication to<br />

develop strategies to decode the message<br />

accurately. Even in Western societies where<br />

meanings are relatively well elaborated, more<br />

can be meant than what is actually said.<br />

Particularly when the speaker attempts to trigger<br />

not a “standard” but a “generated implicature” by<br />

“exploiting the maxims of conversation” (Grice,<br />

1975).<br />

Validity of Cross-Cultural<br />

Theorizing<br />

There are certain constant efforts have been<br />

made to identify universal features:<br />

1. Universal natural logic (Gordon & Lakoff,<br />

1975).<br />

2. Universal logic of conversation (Grice, 1975).<br />

3. Universal rules of indirectness (Searle, 1975)<br />

4. Universal logic of politeness strategy selection<br />

(Brown & Levinson, 1987)<br />

Validity of Cross-Cultural<br />

Theorizing<br />

Being reachable of a valid generalization on a<br />

particular pragmatic feature, one has to compare<br />

the whole system of the pragmatic feature of one<br />

language with those of other languages.<br />

This does not mean that there are no universals<br />

in language use. Comparative studies always<br />

yield certain similarities among cultures and<br />

seem to exist at atomic, semantic, or general<br />

levels, not at molecular, episodic, or specific<br />

levels (Gumperz and Levinson, 1996).<br />

44<br />

46<br />

48


Validity of Cross-Cultural<br />

Theorizing<br />

Universal of language use should be searched by<br />

focusing more on the basic semantic elements or<br />

semantic primitives, and the study on specific<br />

uses of language or pragmatics should be more<br />

sensitive to cultural diversity.<br />

49<br />

References<br />

Tae-Seop Lim, “<strong>Language</strong> and <strong>Verbal</strong><br />

<strong>Communication</strong> <strong>Across</strong> <strong>Cultures</strong>”, in Handbook<br />

of International and Intercultural<br />

<strong>Communication</strong>, W.B. Gudykunst and B.<br />

Moody, Eds. Thousand Oaks: Sage<br />

Publications, 2002, pp. 69-87<br />

50

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