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The Old and the New Limits to Freedom of Contract in Europe

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268 Maria Rosaria Marella<br />

ERCL 2/2006<br />

state <strong>in</strong>tervention <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> social conflict regarded as such) <strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong> achievement<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> social equilibrium that is granted by respect <strong>of</strong> fundamental rights. 31<br />

<strong>The</strong>re are two classic arguments aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong> social model <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> rhe<strong>to</strong>ric <strong>of</strong><br />

weak parties. One is that new limits <strong>to</strong> freedom <strong>of</strong> contract for family guarantees<br />

or prenuptial agreements, for <strong>in</strong>stance, generate <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>direct effect <strong>of</strong><br />

restrict<strong>in</strong>g access <strong>to</strong> credit <strong>and</strong> <strong>to</strong> marriage respectively, at <strong>the</strong> expense <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

beneficiaries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> protect<strong>in</strong>g policy <strong>the</strong>mselves. <strong>The</strong> second argument is that<br />

strong protection <strong>of</strong> weak parties generates a pattern <strong>of</strong> cross-subsidies at <strong>the</strong><br />

expense <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> weakest social groups. <strong>The</strong> protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> weak parties<br />

turns out <strong>to</strong> exclude people at <strong>the</strong> bot<strong>to</strong>m <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> social pyramid: <strong>the</strong>re will<br />

always be weak parties that are weaker than <strong>the</strong> weak parties protected by<br />

protect<strong>in</strong>g policy. 32 Or <strong>the</strong>re are always weak parties that are not acknowledged<br />

as such. How about mistresses or best friends, as <strong>in</strong><strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> family<br />

guarantees? How about non-pregnant women as <strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> prenuptial<br />

agreements? And what about domestic contracts concluded by unmarried<br />

partners?<br />

In my own view, however, <strong>the</strong>re is a strong argument aga<strong>in</strong>st this <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />

social model: it is that it shapes limits <strong>to</strong> freedom <strong>of</strong> contract on <strong>the</strong> basis<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>determ<strong>in</strong>acy <strong>of</strong> fundamental rights (constitutional pr<strong>in</strong>ciples might<br />

entail moral or efficiency reasons that conflict with one ano<strong>the</strong>r); that it emphasises<br />

fundamental rights ra<strong>the</strong>r than equality or it emphasises <strong>in</strong>equality<br />

only through <strong>the</strong> violation <strong>of</strong> fundamental rights. In so do<strong>in</strong>g, it not only<br />

31 By contrast, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> liberal <strong>in</strong>terpretation <strong>of</strong>fered by Teubner, n 18 above, <strong>the</strong> Bundesverfassungsgericht’s<br />

enforcement <strong>of</strong> constitutional pr<strong>in</strong>ciples is <strong>to</strong> be <strong>in</strong>terpreted not <strong>in</strong><br />

relation <strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong> (questionable) violation <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividual fundamental rights, but <strong>in</strong> consideration<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> defence <strong>of</strong> those constitutional ground rules that govern <strong>the</strong> different<br />

areas <strong>of</strong> social life, like <strong>the</strong> family, with its Grundnorm: solidarity, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> market,<br />

based on <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividual rational choice.<br />

Ano<strong>the</strong>r way <strong>of</strong> putt<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> question is <strong>the</strong> idea that claims <strong>of</strong> freedom <strong>in</strong> contract law<br />

are not <strong>to</strong> be exclusively balanced aga<strong>in</strong>st claims <strong>of</strong> social welfare <strong>and</strong> distributive<br />

justice; that contractual doctr<strong>in</strong>es have not only an enabl<strong>in</strong>g but also a cautionary function;<br />

that contract law should endorse not only freedom <strong>of</strong> contract but also freedom<br />

from contract. See T. D. Rak<strong>of</strong>f, ‘Is “<strong>Freedom</strong> from <strong>Contract</strong>” Necessarily a Libertarian<br />

<strong>Freedom</strong>?’ (2004) Wiscons<strong>in</strong> Law Review 477. <strong>Limits</strong> <strong>to</strong> freedom <strong>of</strong> contract are not<br />

necessarily limits <strong>to</strong> liberty: on <strong>the</strong> contrary, some contracts are not permitted <strong>and</strong> some<br />

o<strong>the</strong>rs are permitted only if legal requirements are fulfilled <strong>in</strong> order <strong>to</strong> protect freedom<br />

from contract. <strong>The</strong> Weberian idea that ‘how freedom <strong>of</strong> contract works out <strong>in</strong> practice<br />

depends on social conditions’, underlies this position as well as <strong>the</strong> social <strong>in</strong>terpretation<br />

<strong>of</strong> para 138 BGB.<br />

However <strong>the</strong> same is true for freedom from contract, <strong>to</strong>o. Also freedom from contract<br />

performs its libertarian role if social conditions permit it.<br />

32 Kennedy, n 28 above.

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