<strong>The</strong> Frobisher voyages and the associated industrial scale assays had come at huge expense. According to Hogarth et al, ―they had cost £19,200, two ships, about 22 boats and pinnaces, and at least 24 lives‖. 47 Whilst Lok bore the brunt <strong>of</strong> the financial cost, Court investors were loath to accept such a failure, and assays <strong>of</strong> the ore continued until July 1583. 48 Eventually the ore was abandoned as worthless. 49 <strong>The</strong> project does, however, reveal several characteristics about the Elizabethan Court‘s attitude to alchemy. Two <strong>of</strong> the assayers <strong>of</strong> Frobisher‘s ore were alchemists <strong>of</strong> some repute: a fact that does not seem to have dissuaded the majority <strong>of</strong> England‘s courtiers and politicians from investing in the scheme. In fact they may have seen alchemy as necessary for the success <strong>of</strong> the project. News <strong>of</strong> the precious metal content <strong>of</strong> the ore had surprised both English courtiers and Spanish spies. It conflicted with their understanding <strong>of</strong> gold and silver as ‗hot‘ metals which required intense occult influences from the sun to be formed in the earth. 50 <strong>The</strong>y could not form in colder climates such as Baffin Island. <strong>Sir</strong> Philip Sidney, an alchemical pupil <strong>of</strong> John Dee and friend <strong>of</strong> Edward Dyer, who invested £200 in the project, expressed his surprise that ―precious metals were produced in a region so far to the north‖, whilst the Spanish Ambassador wrote to King Philip II, observing that ―it is incomprehensible that a land so cold as this can produce anything‖. 51 From this perspective, the involvement <strong>of</strong> alchemists, with their experience in simulating the solar heat by which metals were thought naturally to transmute, would have logically been advantageous. In many ways the Frobisher voyages demonstrate the difficulty in differentiating between alchemy and chemistry in the period; to contemporaries they were inextricably 47 Hogarth, Boreham, and Mitchell, Mines, Minerals & Metallurgy, p. 52. 48 Ibid., pp.93-94. 49 Donald Hogarth and John Loop‘s study <strong>of</strong> the minerals from the location <strong>of</strong> Frobisher‘s mine determined the ore to be primarily Hornblend, containing quantities <strong>of</strong> silver and gold around one thousandth <strong>of</strong> that suggested by Agnello, Shutz and Kranich. See Hogarth and Loop, ‗Precious Metals‘, pp. 261-62. 50 Georgius Agricola, De Re Metallica, 1556, Hebert Hoover (trans.), London, 1912, p. 44. 51 Philip Sidney to Hubert Languet, 1 October 1577, in Philip Sidney and Steuart A. Pears(eds.) <strong>The</strong> Correspondence <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sir</strong> Philip Sidney and Hubert Languet, Steuart A. Pears (trans.), London, 1845, p. 119; Don Bernardino de Mendoza to King Philip II, 15 November 1578, quoted in James McDermott, Martin Frobisher: Elizabethan Privateer, New Haven, 2001, p. 157. 126
linked. It is, however, significant that <strong>Cecil</strong> chose to invest so heavily, and take such an active role in the organisation <strong>of</strong> the scheme. He had extensive knowledge <strong>of</strong> both Agnello and Kranich‘s alchemical interests and willingly ventured a significant portion <strong>of</strong> his own fortune on the possibility <strong>of</strong> success. <strong>Cecil</strong> seems to have shared Philip Sidney‘s opinion that Frobisher‘s discoveries ―seem very far to surpass the country <strong>of</strong> Peru‖ where the Spanish obtained immense quantities <strong>of</strong> silver from Potosi. 52 Like so many others at the Court, <strong>Cecil</strong> looked on the Frobisher voyages as a way <strong>of</strong> emulating the enormous wealth accumulated by the Spanish in South and Central America. It seems that <strong>Cecil</strong> thought that England, with the aid <strong>of</strong> a little alchemical coaxing, could also reap the pr<strong>of</strong>its <strong>of</strong> the New World. 52 Sidney to Languet, in Sidney and Pears(eds.) <strong>The</strong> Correspondence <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sir</strong> Philip Sidney, p. 119. 127
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The Alchemical Patronage of Sir Wil
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Abstract This thesis examines the a
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Acknowledgements Thanks must first
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List of Abbreviations APC Acts of t
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Introduction William Cecil, through
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late seventeenth and early eighteen
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economic policy, only cursory exami
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otherwise. The dull, elderly, burea
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y such prolific authors as A. E. Wa
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marginalised the importance of alch
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Many of the distortions in the hist
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difficult to access with microfilm
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Chapter 1: Cecil and Alchemical Phi
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other aspects of medieval knowledge
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explain why alchemy made sense in t
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accuracy of the Aristotelian texts.
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short-sighted match. 44 There is ev
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University in the period. 56 A high
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some tentative conclusions about Ce
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Cecil tended to favour more practic
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Actes and Monuments (1563), ―fata
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Dee and Cecil‘s relationship over
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symbolism, seems tenuous. It ignore
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great pleasure in the workes of Nat
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demonstrated the divine spirit of l
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alchemical knowledge than his geogr
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eports to Cecil are almost exclusiv
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Thynne also affirmed the importance
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From Longleat Thynne wrote for Ceci
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his desperate financial situation.
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no significant records of their pra
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such as John Dee and country gentle
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The late 1560s saw the first signif
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eminently qualified to deal with th
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the patronage of James Blount, Lord
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medicines. Amongst the collection o
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gold into France to fund Catholic e
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in distayne‖. 98 However, it is n
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of a dedicatory epistle to Cecil, f
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home I have not seen‖. 120 Where
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of yeeres before Paracelsus time‖
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