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CONFLICT MANAGEMENT The Psychology of conflict and conflict ...

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172 SCHULZ-HARDT, MOJZISCH, AND VOGELGESANG<br />

thinking, or whether simply presenting a dissenting minority opinion is<br />

sufficient to induce this processing style. We also do not know whether<br />

other behavioral styles <strong>of</strong> the minority (e.g., flexibility) are beneficial to<br />

triggering this effect. However, knowledge on such effective behavioral<br />

styles would help us to design dissent effectively in organizations.<br />

Differentiating between Different Forms <strong>of</strong> Exposition to Dissent. As previously<br />

outlined, the distinction between different sources <strong>of</strong> dissent<br />

(minority vs. majority) is central to dissent research. In contrast, another<br />

distinction has hardly been systematically investigated yet, namely that<br />

between different forms <strong>of</strong> exposition to dissent. In dissent research,<br />

very different forms <strong>of</strong> exposition to dissent are used. Sometimes (e.g.,<br />

Nemeth & Rogers, 1996), people receive only abstract information about<br />

how opinions are distributed in their population (e.g., they hear that 18%<br />

<strong>of</strong> their reference group has an opposing opinion to their own) or in a<br />

particular group (e.g., one <strong>of</strong> the five persons actually performing the<br />

experimental task disagrees with them). In other studies (e.g., Levine &<br />

Russo, 1995), the participants receive similar information as in the latter<br />

case, <strong>and</strong> additionally they anticipate that they will have a subsequent<br />

interaction (e.g., a group discussion) with these other persons. Again, in<br />

other studies (e.g., Nemeth, Brown, & Rogers, 2001), people are actually<br />

confronted with the persons expressing this dissent <strong>and</strong> interact with<br />

them. At the moment, all <strong>of</strong> these different expositions to dissent are<br />

treated as if they were the same or, at least, differences between them<br />

did not have to be considered. However, type <strong>of</strong> exposition to dissent<br />

might bring about substantially different dissent effects. For example,<br />

Mojzisch, Schulz-Hardt, Kerschreiter, <strong>and</strong> Frey (2007) directly compared<br />

the first two <strong>of</strong> the aforementioned types <strong>of</strong> exposition. One <strong>of</strong><br />

their findings was that people who were just given feedback about two<br />

other persons’ decisions <strong>and</strong> learned that these persons favored a different<br />

alternative than they did (majority dissent) exhibited an information<br />

search strategy focussing on the majority position. In contrast, if<br />

they expected to interact with this majority, their information search<br />

focussed on their own position. Hence, the anticipation <strong>of</strong> interaction<br />

with a majority may induce self-defensive processes that are lacking if no<br />

such interaction is anticipated (see also the differences between dissent<br />

effects in previous sections). Systematically exploring such differential<br />

effects <strong>of</strong> different expositions to dissent would not only contribute to<br />

our theoretical underst<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>of</strong> dissent effects but also help us to find<br />

out how people should be exposed to dissent in organizations in order<br />

to maximize positive effects on creativity <strong>and</strong> performance.<br />

How to Improve the Effects <strong>of</strong> Contrived Dissent. As we have argued,<br />

authentic dissent cannot always be realized, <strong>and</strong> even if it can be realized,<br />

it can also have costs in terms <strong>of</strong> low group cohesiveness or slow implementation<br />

<strong>of</strong> solutions found by a group. Thus, using contrived dissent

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