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CONFLICT MANAGEMENT The Psychology of conflict and conflict ...

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5. DISSENT AS A FACILITATOR 157<br />

individual preferences or building groups with a minority or majority faction.<br />

After their discussion, participants had the opportunity to acquire<br />

additional information about the topic. Members <strong>of</strong> former dissent groups<br />

requested more additional pieces <strong>of</strong> information than members <strong>of</strong> former<br />

consent groups did. Similar effects became evident in a study by Levine<br />

<strong>and</strong> Russo (1995). In the studies by Tjosvold <strong>and</strong> his colleagues, reported<br />

in the previous section, people who were confronted with someone who<br />

disagreed with them were more interested to get further information<br />

about the other person’s thoughts than people who where confronted<br />

with agreement (Tjosvold & Johnson, 1978). This higher receptivity to <strong>and</strong><br />

interest in additional information can explain why people underst<strong>and</strong> the<br />

perspective <strong>of</strong> dissenters better than the perspective <strong>of</strong> those with whom<br />

they agree.<br />

On the level <strong>of</strong> the group, the equivalent to intensified information<br />

processing is intensified discussion. Groups with dissent among their<br />

members conduct more intensive discussions than groups without<br />

dissent. More specifically, groups with prediscussion dissent among<br />

their members (e.g., where members enter the discussion with different<br />

opinions or choice preferences) discuss a decision problem longer<br />

(Brodbeck et al., 2002), exchange more information (Parks & Nelson,<br />

1999), repeat exchanged information more <strong>of</strong>ten (Schulz-Hardt et al.,<br />

2006), <strong>and</strong> generate more arguments about a decision problem (Smith,<br />

Tindale, & Dugoni, 1996) than groups without prediscussion dissent.<br />

Although this mechanism might not be very surprising, since dissent<br />

requires more intensive discussion to come to a consensual solution<br />

than consent does, it has important consequences: As Schulz-Hardt et<br />

al. (2006) showed, intensified discussion is the primary reason dissent<br />

groups are more likely than consent groups to talk about <strong>and</strong> subsequently<br />

choose superior solutions that no group member has preferred<br />

before. Thus, better performance in dissent groups can be simply due<br />

to the fact that discussion in these groups is much more intensive than<br />

discussion in consent groups.<br />

Exposure to Minority Versus Majority Dissent: Effects on Individuals<br />

As already outlined in the first section, different subtypes <strong>of</strong> dissent<br />

seem to be differently facilitative <strong>of</strong> creativity <strong>and</strong> performance. <strong>The</strong><br />

research program by Nemeth <strong>and</strong> her colleagues provided convincing<br />

evidence that exposure to minority dissent is more likely to enhance individual<br />

creativity <strong>and</strong> performance than exposure to majority dissent is. To<br />

underst<strong>and</strong> why this is the case, we have to look at the different psychological<br />

processes resulting from minority versus majority dissent.<br />

In her theory <strong>of</strong> minority influence, Nemeth (1986) predicted that bothminority<br />

<strong>and</strong> majority dissent induce cognitive activity, but that these activities<br />

differ in direction. Specifically, majority dissent is proposed to induce

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