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CONFLICT MANAGEMENT The Psychology of conflict and conflict ...

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4. <strong>CONFLICT</strong> AND GROUP DECISION MAKING: THE ROLE OF SOCIAL MOTIVATION 119<br />

group as a whole or predominantly focus on their own interests <strong>and</strong> outcomes.<br />

<strong>The</strong>se social motives have been demonstrated to have a critical<br />

influence on the way in which <strong>conflict</strong>s are managed in groups (cf., De<br />

Dreu et al., 2000; Deutsch, 1973; Tjosvold, 1998). Before discussing these<br />

effects <strong>of</strong> social motivation in detail, we will first discuss the diverse<br />

sources <strong>of</strong> social motives in teams by looking at how several team input<br />

variables relate to the social motivation <strong>of</strong> team members.<br />

Individual Differences<br />

Several dispositional variables have been found to affect individuals’<br />

prosocial <strong>and</strong> proself orientations. Dispositional concern with future<br />

consequences (Messick & Brewer, 1983) as well as individuals’ tendency<br />

to trust (Yamagishi & Sato, 1986) has been shown to make people more<br />

inclined to adopt a prosocial motive. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, Machiavellianism,<br />

a person’s tendency to deceive <strong>and</strong> manipulate others for personal gain<br />

(Christie & Geis, 1970), has been shown to be related to adopting a proself<br />

motivation.<br />

Much research has concentrated on social value orientation (McClintock,<br />

1972), a stable individual difference variable. In this approach, individuals’<br />

tendencies to make either prosocial or proself choices are measured using<br />

so-called decomposed games. An individual is confronted with a number<br />

<strong>of</strong> choices between distributions <strong>of</strong> resources for him- or herself <strong>and</strong> an<br />

unknown other that reflect a more prosocial or a more proself oriented<br />

motivation. Differences in social value orientation, as established with<br />

this measure, have been found to be a strong predictor <strong>of</strong> behaviors in a<br />

variety <strong>of</strong> contexts, such as making cooperative versus egoistic choices in<br />

social dilemma games (Van Lange & Kuhlman, 1994), commuting to work<br />

by car (a proself choice) or by public transport (a more prosocial choice;<br />

Van Lange, Van Vugt, Meertens, & Ruiter, 1998), donating to public goods<br />

(Van Lange, 1999), <strong>and</strong> self-sacrifice in relationships (Van Lange, Agnew,<br />

Harinck, & Steemers, 1997; for reviews, see Kelley & Thibaut, 1978; Rusbult<br />

& Van Lange, 1996).<br />

Van Lange, Otten, De Bruin, <strong>and</strong> Joireman (1997) were interested in<br />

where social value orientations originate. <strong>The</strong>y found that, compared<br />

with people with a proself orientation, prosocials exhibited greater levels<br />

<strong>of</strong> secure attachment <strong>and</strong> grew up with more sisters. According to Van<br />

Lange, Otten, et al. (1997), this indicated that the development <strong>of</strong> different<br />

social value orientations was at least partially rooted in different patterns<br />

<strong>of</strong> social interaction in early childhood <strong>and</strong> young adulthood. Furthermore,<br />

they found that the prevalence <strong>of</strong> prosocials increases from early<br />

adulthood to middle adulthood <strong>and</strong> old age, whereas the prevalence <strong>of</strong><br />

proselfs decreases. Because Van Lange, Otten, et al. employed a cross-sectional<br />

research design, they could not infer whether this effect was due<br />

to cohort differences, selective mortality in the group <strong>of</strong> proselfs, or the

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