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TWO FRAGMENTS FROM COTTON MS. OTHO B. X - British Library

TWO FRAGMENTS FROM COTTON MS. OTHO B. X - British Library

TWO FRAGMENTS FROM COTTON MS. OTHO B. X - British Library

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SHORTER CONTRIBUTIONS<br />

<strong>TWO</strong> <strong>FRAGMENTS</strong> <strong>FROM</strong> <strong>COTTON</strong> <strong>MS</strong>. <strong>OTHO</strong> B. X<br />

IN his Catalogue of Manuscripts containing<br />

Anglo-Saxon,^ N. R. Ker notes for <strong>British</strong><br />

<strong>Library</strong>, Cotton <strong>MS</strong>. Otho B. X^ (his no. 177^)<br />

that ff. 52 and 54 can not be identified. Any<br />

subsequent work by other scholars involving<br />

the use of this manuscript has also failed to<br />

identify these two folios and their contents<br />

have remained a mystery.<br />

That they have presented a problem is<br />

perfectly understandable. The manuscript has<br />

suffered tbe most unfortunate of histories. It<br />

was almost destroyed in the fire of 1731^<br />

subsequently being bound in the wrong order,<br />

with some leaves reversed or even upside down<br />

and others alien to the manuscript as a whole.<br />

In reassembling tbe texts the palaeographer is<br />

indebted to the work of Humphrey Wanley and<br />

his Catalogus,^ which lists the original contents<br />

in their correct order.<br />

Cotton Otho, in its present day condition,<br />

contains sixty-seven card-bound leaves. Of<br />

these ff. 6 and 50 are really one, as are ff. 34<br />

and 35, bringing the total down to sixty-five.<br />

However, f. 67 is in fact two separate leaves<br />

wrongly placed together bringing the sum of<br />

the leaves back up to sixty-six. Several leaves<br />

from outside are alien to the manuscript, namely<br />

ff- 29, 30, 51, 55, 58, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66,-^<br />

numbering ten in all. If tbese are removed from<br />

Cotton Otho then the resulting sum of extant<br />

leaves is fifty-six. Taking the best preserved<br />

leaves as a guide, the original size of each page<br />

could be estimated as c. 195 x 150 mm., with<br />

written space measuring c. 175 x 115 mm.<br />

S. D. Lee<br />

The pages are numbered in lead on the top<br />

rigbt of the recto of the card surround. It was<br />

foliated presumably at the same time as the<br />

modern headings were added. Titles are<br />

written in red, and dabbing in the same colour<br />

occurs on the first letter of the sentence and<br />

most Tironian signs.<br />

As with so much of the manuscript as a<br />

whole, the two leaves in question are very badly<br />

damaged and contain only a fragment of each<br />

original folio. However, with successive readings<br />

under the ultra-violet lamp at the <strong>British</strong><br />

<strong>Library</strong> over several weeks, these two fragments<br />

can now be identified as containing parts<br />

of tbe lives of St Sebastian^ St Eufrosma^ and<br />

St Eugenia^ from the Lives of Saints^ partly<br />

written by ^lfric.<br />

At its maximum f. 52 measures c. 60x95<br />

mm., whilst f. 54 reaches c. 55 x no mm. As<br />

with all the leaves of the manuscript they are<br />

bound in card surrounds, show bad signs of<br />

burn damage, are much shrunken, and have<br />

numerous holes and taping all over tbeir<br />

surface. However, under the ultra-violet lamp<br />

the following letters could be discerned i*'<br />

F.<br />

fram<br />

acwea Heo weard<br />

hib .]?aw<br />

nysse set byrge<br />

licere g<br />

beofo .M


meh<br />

blysse 7m<br />

d<br />

on<br />

F. 52V<br />

geseab<br />

he s lfa ferde geond maniga e wenunga<br />

hwilcne godes man findan<br />

ge nnion mibte. j'a x<br />

e |^3ES minstres ae wa;s swij^e m^re be<br />

7 I'a m )'xr in gesealde<br />

I'eodrae to6am ab ude 7 to ]'am<br />

ter mi j^am<br />

ge<br />

dam<br />

gel<br />

bastianus c<br />

eas ydclnes swa<br />

te. Manega men adrin<br />

e. 5eonmisl ti<br />

de comon. Oft on a<br />

for wel mscnige de<br />

ngle on £er ed<br />

leo<br />

I'on<br />

sum<br />

F. S4V<br />

lcna<br />

se 06<br />

leas<br />

him<br />

].>aes<br />

wurde godes wil<br />

gen beg irdon. hi<br />

a hund. micclutn<br />

a us haefde b his di<br />

Care was taken when examining these<br />

fragments to complete transcription before<br />

checking them against any possible correlating<br />

text, in case sections from the already edited<br />

text might suggest their own presence on the<br />

page.<br />

The method of identification was straightforward.<br />

It was clear that f. 52V contained the<br />

most complete text and was therefore chosen as<br />

a starting point. Several words deemed to be<br />

the least used throughout the corpus were<br />

noted and checked against the Toronto Microfiche.^<br />

This invaluable tool has the advantage<br />

of giving the location of words in context.<br />

Consequently, the passage could be identified<br />

as belonging to the life of St Eufrosina, and<br />

corresponding to 11. 10-19 of Skeat's edition^<br />

(II, pp. 334-6). As this was at the beginning of<br />

the text, it followed that f 52r might contain<br />

material from the preceding saint's life.<br />

Wanley's catalogue revealed this to be St<br />

Eugenia., and the transcription was found to<br />

correspond to 11. 413-24 of Skeat's edition (I,<br />

pp. 48-50).<br />

Folio 54 proved more troublesome, for the<br />

leaf is in a marginally worse condition than f<br />

52. However, on the third reading the partial<br />

form 'bastianus' was identified on the fourth<br />

line of the recto. As the manuscript was known<br />

to have originally had a version of the life of St<br />

Sebastian it was evident that, at the very least,<br />

the recto off 54 contained some material from<br />

that text. Subsequent research revealed it to<br />

correspond to 11. 270—8 of Skeat's edition (I, p.<br />

134). However, the material found on the verso<br />

corresponds to that of Skeat's II. 242-50,<br />

showing that the leaf was unfortunately reversed<br />

when bound in card.<br />

Furthermore, Ker notes that ff. 2 and 8 of<br />

Cotton Otho also contained some parts of St<br />

Sebastian, and f 13 could be identified as<br />

containing the title of St Eufrosina. Examination<br />

of f 8 revealed that it contained the<br />

beginning of tbe life 0^ St Agnes and 11. 469-74<br />

of St Sebastian, and was not therefore closely<br />

connected with f 54. However f 2r contains c.<br />

11. 280-94 of St Sebastian and f. 2v c. 11.


254-65. This discovery implies two things; formed the lower section of the original leaf<br />

first, that the leaf was mistakenly reversed and f. 13 the upper. Using this new inwhen<br />

bound, and, second, that f 54 and f 2 formation, the figure fifty-six for the extant<br />

were originally the same leaf" leaves given earHer found in Cotton Otho<br />

Similarly, f. 13 was found to be reversed and should now be modified to fifty-four,<br />

also to have been originally part of the same Finally, the following passages give the<br />

leaf as f 52. Folio 13V contains 11. 393-412 of relevant passages in Skeat with the letters<br />

St Eugenia and f. i3r contains 11. 1-9 of St corresponding to those of the two new frag-<br />

£«/ro5/M£J, both of which immediately preceded ments underlined. In the footnotes I identify<br />

the text contained on f. 52rv. Thus, f. 52 the new spelling variants.'^<br />

F.<br />

asend fram J^am casere.and he fx.t m^den acwealde.<br />

Heo weard ]^a gemartyrod. and cristene menn hi bebyrgdon.^^<br />

Da weop seo modor.mid mycelre sarnysse.<br />

^ hyre byrgene.o)^ yxt heo hi geseah.<br />

on gastlicre^^ gesihde.mid golde gefreetwode<br />

mid dam heofonlicum werode.)>us hi' frefigende.<br />

Mm modor claudia.me hgfd gebroht<br />

min haelend crist to his haigena blysse.<br />

7 minne faeder gelogode on J^aere heah-fkdera getele.<br />

and y>u cymst to lis.nii on sunnan-daeg.<br />

Seo modor gewat 6a of worulde to heofonum<br />

on'^ dam sunnan-d^Ege. and |^a suna hi be-stodon.<br />

{Life ofSt Eugenia, 11. 413-24; I> PP-<br />

F. 52V<br />

geseah hire weres sarignysse. and he sylf^^ eac ferde geond manige^'<br />

stowa.gif he weninga^^ hwilcne godes man findan mihte )'aet his<br />

gewilnunga gefultumian'^ mihte. L'a aet nyhstan becom he to sumum<br />

mynstre. y^fES mynstres faeder wass swyde maere beforan gode. and<br />

]>z micelne dael feos )nder''^^ in-gesealde. and miccle ^eodraedene<br />

] g ^<br />

nam to Vam abbode.^'^ and to V>am gebrodran. and ]^a aefter micelre<br />

tide cydde he V'am abbode his gewilnunge. se abbod J^a him efnsargode.<br />

and bsed god geornlice J^aEt he ]>zm ]?egne forgeafe bearnes<br />

wxstm. )^a gehyrde^^ god heora begra bene.and forgeaf him ane<br />

dobtor.Mid y-y pafnuntius geseah p^s abbodes mxran drohtnunge.<br />

(Life of St Eufrosina, II. 10-19; H^ PP-<br />

F- 54*-<br />

to gearlicum tidum . and tunglena ymbrynum.<br />

Policarpus saede pis we for-seod.<br />

85


on ]?am is sodfest-nysse gelicnys . ac hit is leas swa J^eah.<br />

Sebastianus cwxp^^ . ]?is is swutol ge-dwyld.<br />

and leas ydelnyss^^ . swa swa we ieornodon act criste.<br />

Manega menn'^"^ adrincad . on anum dxge togaedere.<br />

t>e on mislicum tidum to middan-earde comon.<br />

Oft on anum gefeohte feallad for wel<br />

under anum tungle . nxron^^ asr akennede.<br />

{Life of St Sebastian^ \\. 270-8; I, p.<br />

F- 54V<br />

t>a l^e habbad geleafan . and Ieornodon to campienne.<br />

ongean Vone swicolan feond . unforhte ]?urh god.<br />

and habbad cristes byrnan . hi magon to-brecan da godas.<br />

Chromatius da cwted . to f^am cenum godes pegnum.<br />

gewurde godes willa and eower eac aet ]?ysum.<br />

Hi J>a sona begen be-gyrndon^^ hi" cafiice.<br />

and to gode gebaedon . and to-braecon da anlicnyssa<br />

ma l^one twa hund . micclum gode f^anciende.<br />

Chromatius haefde behydd . on his digolnysse.<br />

{Life of St Sebastian., 11. 242-50; I, p.<br />

1 (Oxford, 1957), pp. 224-9.<br />

Finally, f 66 is in fact part of the eleventh<br />

2 Hereafter 'Cotton Otho'.<br />

century Life of St Machutus and belongs in<br />

3 See also nos, 168, 175, 178-81 for other parts of Cotton Otho A. VIII.<br />

the manuscript.<br />

6 Due to the nature of these fragments, there is no<br />

4 An earlier description of the original contents of attempt to show the numbers of missing or<br />

the manuscript can he found in Thomas Smith's illegible letters in the gaps.<br />

Calalogus Librorum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecie 7 For this, and indeed all the transcriptions, the<br />

Cottonice (Oxford, 1696), p. 70. There are spacing as printed in this article should not be<br />

discrepancies between his and Wanley's table of viewed as being to scale.<br />

contents, but the latter provides a fuller de- 8 A. Dipaolo Healey and R. L. Venezky (eds.), A<br />

scription, giving the beginning and the end few Microfiche Concordance to Old English (Uni-<br />

words of each section.<br />

versity of Toronto), for which the letters C and D<br />

5 Ff 29 and 30 contain ^Elfric's homily on the have now been edited.<br />

Book of Judith which can be assumed to he alien 9 W. W. Skeat (ed.), Mfnc's Lives of Saints,<br />

to the original manuscript as they are the only E.E.T.S. (London, 1881, 1900), 2 vols.<br />

two folios to have glosses in the 'tremulous 10 I.e., 11. 270-8 found on f. 54r lie between those<br />

hand'. F. 51, part of the West Saxon gospels, is found on both sides off 2. The text should thus<br />

from the early to middle part of the eleventh read f 54V, f 2v, f 54r, and f. 2r. F. 54 originally<br />

century. Its correct placing is as f 8 in BL, formed the upper half of f 2.<br />

Cotton <strong>MS</strong>. Otho C. I. Ff 55, 58 and 62 are of<br />

the mid-tenth century and are in fact from<br />

11 I have used Skeat's manuscript sigla throughout<br />

the following passages. The notation is as<br />

Bede's Historia ecclesiasttca gent is anglorum.<br />

Cotton <strong>MS</strong>. Otho B. XI. Ff 61, 63 and 64 are<br />

from the late tenth to the early eleventh century,<br />

containing part of Alfred's Pastoral Care. They<br />

should be placed after f 51 of Cotton Otho B. II.<br />

follows: J = BL, Cotton <strong>MS</strong>. Julius E. VII, O<br />

- Cotton <strong>MS</strong>. Otho B. X, and V = Cotton <strong>MS</strong>.<br />

Vitellius D. XVII. For all four excerpts, Skeat<br />

was obviously not aware of the contents of the<br />

two relevant leaves in O, and the footnotes I give<br />

86


are thus meant to supplement his own. It should<br />

be noted that variations between ']?' and '6',<br />

and *y' and 'i' have not been noted.<br />

12 O does not appear to have enough space to fit in<br />

the whole of * hehyrgdon' unless abbreviations<br />

were used.<br />

13 Skeat has 'gastlicre'; O has 'licere*.<br />

14 It is possible that the visible letters 'on' in O<br />

may, in fact, be from 'heofonum'.<br />

15 The section in Skeat is based solely on the<br />

readings from J.<br />

16 O has the ending 'lfa' which one assumes was<br />

originally 'sylfa'.<br />

17 O has 'maniga'.<br />

18 O has 'wenunga'.<br />

19 O has 'nnion'. In the gap between the 'ge' and<br />

the ending 'nnion' the ascender of the T is<br />

clearly visible.<br />

20 O has a Tironian sign before '|^a'.<br />

21 O omits 'has l*aer' instead of'>'ider'.<br />

22 O has the ending 'ude'.<br />

23 At some point here (the exact place is impossible<br />

to gauge) O has an additional '6am'. As it is<br />

clearly on a separate line to the visible 'ge', its<br />

possible correspondence with 'he dam J^egne'<br />

has been discounted as it appears too soon in the<br />

spacing of the text.<br />

24 The relevant section in Skeat is based entirely on<br />

readings from J.<br />

25 Possible abbreviation above 'c' indicating<br />

'cwaej^' in O.<br />

26 O has 'ydelnes'.<br />

27 O has 'men'.<br />

28 O has 'msenige'.<br />

29 O has 'on[]^r'.<br />

30 The relevant section in Skeat uses readings from<br />

both J and V.<br />

31 O has 'beg irdon' with a possible abbreviation,<br />

but more above the 'r' than centred over the 'i',<br />

indicating the insertion of an 'n'.<br />

32 The relevant section in Skeat is based on<br />

readings from both J and V.<br />

^IMPORTUNATE CRIES OF MISERY': THE CORRESPONDENCE<br />

OF LUCIUS HENRY HIBBINS AND THE DUKE OF<br />

NEWCASTLE, 1741-58<br />

DEEP in the papers of the Duke of Newcastle,<br />

the Whig 'ecclesiastical minister', lie the thirty<br />

or so letters written by tbe Rev. Dr Lucius<br />

Henry Hibbins^ to the Duke from 1741<br />

onwards. It is a remarkable collection, spanning<br />

eighteen years, and one overlooked by historians<br />

who have considered Newcastle's exercise<br />

of Churcb patronage. Mary Bateson<br />

ignores the correspondence, even though her<br />

aim was to exemplify the Duke of Newcastle's<br />

dealing with place-seeking clergy. More curiously<br />

Norman Sykes also ignores the collection<br />

and Daniel Hirschberg dismisses it in passing."<br />

The omission is significant since, among other<br />

things, the correspondence indicates that the<br />

censorious attitude of historians to placeseeking<br />

and self-reeommendation for preferment<br />

should be reconsidered. Hibbins's<br />

William T. Gibson<br />

appeals for a place represent the claims of a<br />

clergyman who had worked for the Church<br />

through a political 'interest', which he felt had<br />

then deserted him.<br />

The first surviving letter from Lucius Henry<br />

Hibbins to the Duke of Newcastle is dated 9<br />

January 1741, though it is clearly not their first<br />

communication. The letter, written from<br />

Norton near Chichester, one of the Duke's<br />

Sussex boroughs, indicates tbat Hibbins bad<br />

already petitioned the Duke for a living but had<br />

been disappointed. Hibbins had organized and<br />

presented a petition from some residents of<br />

Chichester promising to vote for the Duke's<br />

candidates in the coming elections. Hibbins<br />

also indicated to Newcastle that the Dukes of<br />

Aneaster and Richmond were well-disposed<br />

towards him; this was a customary way of

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