political participation of muslim women in india - WebRing

POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF MUSLIM WOMEN 

IN INDIA 

Vasundhara Mohan 

mohan_rallapalli@hotmail.com 

Deputy Director, Institute of Peace Studies & Conflict Resolution, Mumbai 

It is now a part of history that the December 1995 U.N. General Assembly 

resolution fully supported the Beijing Declaration and called upon the 

Member States, the United Nations system and all other actors to implement 

the Platform for Action (PFA) by promoting a "policy of mainstreaming a 

gender perspective at all levels" and "to ensure that the gender dimension 

influences other areas such as poverty, housing, the environment and 

sustainable development." Governments were asked to develop 

comprehensive implementation strategies or plans of action for the 

advancement of women. It also called for monitoring by U.N. organizations 

and for "the integration of a gender perspective in budgetary programmes" 

and for adequate financing of programs for securing equality between women 

and men. The Beijing Declaration and the U.N. resolution were, thus, meant 

to empower women, and to promote social change in the direction of gender 

equality. 

The above developments acted as a boost to the ongoing struggle of women 

for an enhanced political participation in their countries. If the feminist 

agenda has become a hot cake for newspapers all over the world, it is stuck 

in the political throats of male-dominated polity in several countries. In India 

women are fighting for 33 per cent reservation in Parliament and legislative 

assemblies. “Even Muslim women in the repressed Arabian societies are 

clamouring for change. In Iran, a beginning has been made by President 

Mohammad Khatami appointing a woman (Zahra Shojaie, Advisor to the 

President on Women’s Affairs) to an important position. Women's 

participation in diverse fields has been increasing in most democratic nations. 

But the insignificant participation of Muslim women in Indian and in Muslim 

societies, particularly in the Islamic countries, is a matter of concern”. (1) 

A leading feminist wrote: "Politics means collective endeavour for social 

transformation that empowers women to fight any form of oppression, 

exploitation, injustice and degradation." The aim of this paper is not to 

inquire into the state of affairs in Muslim countries but to examine whether 

there is and if so the extent of Muslim women’s political participation in India. 

With Muslims forming about 13.4% of the over one billion population, they 

are the largest minority in India and next only to Indonesia in terms of

Political participation of Muslim Women 

population. With such large numbers, Muslim women too form a sizeable 

chunk, larger than female population of several Islamic countries. Do the 

Indian Muslim women have political aspirations? Do they fight elections; as 

nominees of political parties or as independents? While the political 

participation of Indian women per se has been extensively studied, the status 

of Muslim women has not received much attention. 

Perhaps Ishtiaque Ahamed’s assessment of the status of women in Muslim 

countries is relevant to India also. He writes (2): 

“Muslim men have curtailed most of the rights of their women. According to 

the orthodox Ulema, the primary duty of a conservative Muslim woman is to 

look after her husband and children. She is not allowed to venture outside her 

home except with the permission of her husband or father. This provision is 

strictly enforced in Saudi Arabia and now in Afghanistan. Why have the selfproclaimed 

guardians of Islam, the Taliban, forgotten that women in Islam 

have been valiant warriors and able rulers? Where are Aisha and Khadeja in 

Taliban's Afghanistan?” 

Women’s Political Participation in the Islamic World 

In considering the status of political participation of Indian Muslim women, a 

slight digression to look at the picture in the Islamic world might be relevant. 

Reports show that major changes are taking place in some parts of the 

Muslim world. There is a new craving among Muslim women to be treated 

with respect due to them as human beings, and for equal rights; the latter a 

combination of human rights and fundamental rights to which they are 

entitled under the country’s constitution. Women i.e., Muslim women, in 

Islamic countries are pursuing their rights within the Islamic discourse; for 

the enjoyment of their rights sanctioned in Quran. Islam, as eminent scholars 

assure, is a progressive religion for women, was radically egalitarian for its 

times and remains to be so. Muhammad Asad writes: “Quran, Sunnah, and 

Islamic history provide ample evidence of women undertaking various forms 

of political involvement from the bai’ah to fighting in battles to influencing 

political decisions. Ignoring the contributions of Muslim women deprives our 

Islamic heritage of valuable role models while continuing the stagnation of 

Islamic thought. 

To exclude women from political involvement simply because they are 

women is an act of tribalism based on gender. The Prophet stated: "He is not 

of us who proclaims the cause of tribal partisanship..." (3) 

When the Quran is so clear, Muslim women’s social and educational 

backwardness all over the World, the contradictions and women-unfriendly 

2


interpretations of the Shariah are attributed to self-seeking Mullahs. 

However, despite the severe curtailment of democratic liberties, the women 

in all Arab countries including Algeria, Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Sudan, 

Yemen and Tunisia have organised their struggles in various fronts, whether 

military, political, economic, social or cultural. The Arab Women's Solidarity 

Association has been fighting for freedom and human rights inside the family, 

nationally and internationally. Fehmida Riaz, the poetess who was exiled by 

the then President of Pakistan, Zia-ul-Haque, for her bold views, had 

deplored: “In Pakistan, the Muslim girls' lot is reduced to chadar, choolha aur 

chardivari." 

The prospect of women being empowered in Islamic societies, especially, has 

received wide scholastic attention in view of the Beijing Declaration and UN 

Resolution mentioned above. Mahnaz Afkhami and Erika Friedl have 

observed (4): 

“In fact, in many predominantly Muslim countries, especially in North Africa 

and the Middle East, human rights conditions for women have deteriorated 

since the early 1970s. Economic conditions have worsened, democratic 

institutions are being challenged, religious radicalism with its andocentric 

political agendas has increased. Some of the governments that in 1975 had 

accepted the major international documents on human rights in principle now 

reject many of these rights on the grounds of a supposed conflict with specific 

local cultural practices”. 

In the 1994 Cairo Conference on Population and Development, for example, 

Islamic and Christian fundamentalists and some Asian governments united in 

opposing women's universal human rights and jointly questioned the validity 

of women's rights on doctrinal or cultural grounds. They challenged the 

concept of universal human rights as a Western ploy; as cultural imperialism 

and intellectual colonialism. Muslim fundamentalists declared Islam as the 

only valid parameter of rights for Muslims. (5) 

With such attitudes prevailing, women have suffered historical seclusion from 

the political scene and political participation has consistently been considered 

as a male preserve. This has precipitated as one of the major demands of 

women and has constantly been sought as one of the main goals in all 

women’s movements and activities. A demand for political participation arises 

when women realise that it is their constitutional right. This, in turn, depends 

on the level of education of the women of the country. However: 

“In many Muslim countries, gender-based discrimination, coupled with social 

and cultural barriers, limits access and participation of women in higher 

education. Some people attribute these barriers to the teachings of Islam, but 

this is false. The teachings of the Holy Prophet of Islam emphasize "the 

acquiring of knowledge as bounden duties of each Muslim from the cradle to 

3


the grave" and that "the quest for knowledge and science is obligatory upon 

every Muslim man and woman." One-eighth (that is, 750 verses) of the Quran 

(the Muslim Holy Book) exhort believers to study nature, to reflect, and to 

make the best use of reason in their search for the ultimate truth”. (6) 

As at the end of 2005, the following has been the status of representation of 

women in the Parliaments of Arab countries: 

Women in Arab Parliaments (2005) 

Country Total number of 

Members (Single or 

both Houses) 

Number of Women 

Members 

Tunisia 189 43 (22.75%) 

Morocco 595 38 (06.39%) 

Egypt 718 31 (04.32%) 

Syria 250 30 (12.00%) 

Algeria 533 28 (05.25%) 

Jordan 165 13 (07.88%) 

Oman 138 11 (07.97%) 

Bahrain 80 06* (07.50%) 

Lebanon 128 03 (02.40%) 

Yemen 301 01 (00.33%) 

(Source: Inter Parliamentary Union. No figures available for Libya, Qatar or 

Palestine Territories. The six women against Bahrain are appointed members 

and not elected members) 

In 2006, women in the Gulf Cooperation Council states achieved a significant 

breakthrough in terms of participating in parliamentary elections, but the 

success of female candidates varied across the region. In the UAE, women 

stood for election for the first time in the country's history. Although just one 

female candidate - from Abu Dhabi - was directly elected, the government 

appointed a further eight women to the 40-seat federal legislature, giving 

women a 22.5 per cent share of the seats, far higher than the world average 

of 17.0 per cent. It was only in May 2005 that Kuwait Parliament permitted 

women to vote and subsequently Dr Massouma Mubarak was appointed as 

Planning Minister and Minister of State for Administrative Development 

Affairs, making Kuwait the only country in the conservative Persian Gulf to 

have a woman Cabinet Minister. Bahrain’s Parliament elected its first woman 

Member of the Parliament in 2006. (7) 

The role of women in politics in Arab societies is largely determined by the 

will of the leadership of these countries and cultural attitudes towards 

women's involvement in public life. Dr Rola Dashti, a female candidate in 

Kuwait's 2006 parliamentary elections, claimed "the negative cultural and 

media attitude towards women in politics" as one of the main reasons as to 

4


why no women were elected. She also pinned the blame on the ideological 

differences with conservatives and extremist Islamists who opposed female 

participation in political life and discouraging women from voting for a 

woman, besides the malicious gossip, attacks on the banners and 

publications of female candidates, lack of training and corruption as barriers 

to electing female Members of Parliament. (8) 

It is the unwillingness of the Saudi Arabia’s leadership to permit women from 

entering the Parliament that has been stonewalling women’s demands. In 

fact Saudi women are yet to be granted the right to vote. Parliament 

Chairman Sheik Muhammad bin Ibrahim bin Jbeir is reported to have said: 

"Appointing women as parliament members is out of the question. Nobody 

even thinks about it, because the issues the parliament deals with are public 

matters under the responsibility of men."(9) 

Even when they are allowed to contest elections and the Constitution 

guarantees equal rights, women of Arab countries are unsure whether they 

will be allowed to enjoy the rights in full measure. For instance, the new Iraqi 

Constitution approved by a referendum in October 2005 states that Iraqis are 

equal before the law "without discrimination because of sex." Yet the 

constitution also states that no law can be passed that contradicts the 

"established rulings" of Islam. Isobel Coleman writes (10): 

“For this reason, the new document has been condemned by critics both 

inside and outside Iraq as a fundamental setback for a majority of Iraq's 

population - namely, its women. According to Isam al-Khafaji, an Iraqi 

scholar, the document "could easily deprive women of their rights." Yanar 

Muhammad, a leading secular activist and the head of the Organization of 

Women's Freedom in Iraq, worries that the Islamic provision will turn the 

country "into an Afghanistan under the Taliban, where oppression and 

discrimination of women is institutionalized." 

On the other hand, women’s liberation in Iran is gathering momentum. The 

process began when the daughter of the former President of Iran was elected 

to the male-dominated Majlis (parliament). The election of Khatami was 

considered to be largely due to women’s vote and a protest vote against the 

conservative forces in Iran. Women in Iran feel that their assertive role from 

their house to parliament will give new substance to the women's movement 

in Iran. 

In Pakistan and Bangladesh women are in the forefront of the movement for 

women's as well as human rights. (11) Both the countries had women as 

Prime Ministers and/or Presidents. 

5


Take the case of Tunisia, which is proud of its Arab, Islamic and 

Mediterranean heritage. But, Tunisia is also committed to the values of 

“moderation, tolerance, religious pluralism and equality for women.” Women 

constitute one-third of Tunisia’s university professors, 58% of its university 

students, more than one-fourth of its judges, 23% of the members of 

parliament and are represented in the police and the armed forces. The 

illiteracy rate for women has dropped dramatically from 82% in 1966 to 31% 

in 2004. Tunisia adopted liberal policies not in response to the demands of 

any feminist movement, because there was none at the time, but improving 

women’s rights was seen as an integral part of the effort to turn Tunisia into 

a modern country free from “anachronistic traditions and backward 

mentalities”. Dr. Kamel Omran, a leading Tunisian Imam and a lecturer in 

the Arabic Department of Al-Zaytouna University, said that most Muslims — 

and non-Muslims as well — believe the Qur’an allows a man to marry up to 

four wives. But, he says: (12) 

“It is custom, not faith, which is responsible for this kind of patriarchal 

interpretation of Islam. Following the Qur’an and Sunna, the traditions of the 

prophet Muhammad, should make people more, not less, lenient toward 

women.” 

In fine, apart from the fact that the implementation of the Platform for Action 

requires more than U.N. resolutions, it appears as though the PFA is not 

meant for Muslim women and women of such countries where the leadership 

stubbornly denies extending equal rights to their women. For, women’s 

demand for active participation in political arena in Muslim countries, 

particularly, and other parts of the world, in general, has been considered by 

the antagonists of such demand as one of the manifestations of modernity 

and a novel phenomenon. However, “what has been observed as a rule in 

political scene has been women’s historical seclusion and alienation from 

politics in a way that some have spoken of private women and public men”. 

(13) 

If women have to win over their rights from the patriarchal societies, it 

requires a large number of well-informed women who can debate, mobilize, 

and lobby at the regional and national levels, who are committed to the goals 

of the Platform for Action, and who are ready to take great personal risks to 

realize them. It is not enough if they remain outside the political arena and 

make noise. They need to enter the system and fight from within. 

The Indian scene 

If a country were to achieve progress in the form of economic and social 

development, it has to educate its women. However, in most Muslim nations 

a demand for rights for women emanated from the elite class, who became 

6


the main beneficiaries. Gender and gender relations as they pertained to 

everyday life within family and community did not change or affect the 

patriarchal and social structures, granting them some rights did not pose a 

threat. 

Indian women acquired voting rights along with men, and with suffrage the 

right to contest elections from the village-level to the Federal Parliament. 

Indian women have thus been not only exercising their franchise but also 

contesting elections since the first elections held in independent India. 

However, the representation of women, in general, has been low both at the 

Federal and State levels. Their representation in the country’s Parliament has 

yet to cross the 10% mark. 

Although Indian women have made great strides in various fields, they still 

remain an un-empowered lot. Among the Indian women, the Muslim women 

are the worst sufferers; pushed to the wall, particularly in rural areas. Bound 

by Islamic Culture, they have become the victims of traditions and 

interpretation of Islamic laws by the religious ‘leaders’. 

Apart from these factors, Muslim Women in India suffer from low literacy 

levels; a literacy rate as low as 19 per cent, which is less than half of that of 

women from other communities and the national literacy rate for women in 

general, which is 39 per cent. There is a need for the community to pay 

greater attention to education in general and women’s education in 

particular; especially secular education. Of course, Muslim countries vary 

greatly in their culture, traditions, and social systems, and there is a wide 

range of attitudes toward educating women at the University level. For 

example, in Egypt, women have attended University since the 1920s, 

whereas in other Muslim countries a University education for women is a 

recent phenomenon. Although women in many Muslim countries have the 

right to University education, those in more traditional rural areas often do 

not exercise that right, whether for social, economic, or family reasons. 

In November 1995, when 45 Muslim women filed their nomination to 

participate in the 'civic bodies' election from the area in the vicinity of Darul- 

Uloom, Deoband, the Ulema became alarmed. Of course, Indian Ulema is no 

exception. Writing in the New Zealand Journal of Asian Studies on Nomita 

Halder points out (14): 

“In the early 1950s, a political and religious controversy was created due to 

the demand for political rights by a group of Egyptian feminists. Some 

religious authorities vehemently asserted that Islam does not recognise 

women’s political rights and a fatwa (a binding religious opinion) was declared 

by Al-Azhar: The fatwa maintained that Islam granted women rights relative 

to private guardianship, such as the right to parenting and the right to 

7


oversee financial and waqf (religious charity) affairs. The opinion of Al-Azhar 

about political rights (public guardianship) was categorical, holding that public 

guardianship is an exclusively male realm.” 

Fatwas have been issued in some of the Islamic countries barring Muslim 

women from participating in elections on the grounds that it will bring them 

into contact with men. Such Fatwas hardly had any impact on women and 

the Muslim voters; who promptly ignored them. A fatwa banning Muslim 

women’s participation in elections (as contestants) has also been issued in 

India, with the rider that if they still participate in elections, they may do so 

wearing the veil! But, how long can the women be denied their rightful share 

in a country’s politics? Writing in the Hindu on the Muslim women’s 

participation in Panchayati Raj elections in Malappuram district of Kerala, 

K.P.M. Basheer had observed (15): 

“One-fourth of the 100 village Panchayats in the Muslim-dominated 

Malappuram district are headed by Muslim women. This is remarkable for a 

community which, not long ago, frowned upon women going to the fair-price 

shop to fetch their weekly rations and where, unlike many other parts of the 

state, women are victims of dowry abuse, low literacy, teenage marriage and 

adolescent childbirth. When she went to the Panchayat office in the initial few 

months, Ms. R.K. Hafsath used to be accompanied by her husband; selfconfidence 

was rapidly built up and soon as President of the Thripprangot 

Panchayat, she was addressing meetings and handling the outside world with 

ease. Illiteracy is another problem”. 

Muslim women in India’s Independence Movement 

Before we consider the present involvement of Muslim women in politics, it is 

relevant to look at their contribution to the Indian independence movement. 

The role of “Indian women” in the freedom movement has been well 

documented. Inspired by Mahatma Gandhi, a number of women joined the 

struggle. Most of them were however from the upper and middle-class Hindu 

families. While Muslim women too joined the independence struggle, their 

numbers were less compared to Hindu women. Samita Sen explains the 

reason (16). 

“He (Mahatma Gandhi) invoked India’s sacred legends— all Hindu— to appeal 

to women. Icons like Sita, Savitri, and Damayanti resonated with Hindu 

women, even the most poor, low caste, and uneducated, because for them 

these were living legends. But they excluded Muslim women, who were 

uncomfortable with such invocations.” 

However, those Muslim women who took part in the struggle against the 

British played no less a role in the freedom movement. We would like to 

quote from an article by Dr Darakhshan Anjum (17): 

8


“When Shah Abdul Aziz Dehlvi proclaimed jihad against the British and in 

response to this call Ulema and other people from all over the country joined 

him and obstructed the smooth sailing of the British, ladies were also not far 

behind. The teaching of Jihad took a concrete shape in 1857 and continued till 

India achieved freedom in 1947. Not only Muslim men but Muslim women also 

stood up against the British. The list of Muslim women who participated in the 

freedom struggle is impressive and not restricted to one type of activity. They 

encouraged their husbands, fathers and sons at home and themselves took all 

the household responsibilities on their shoulders in the absence of their men 

folk. They came out of their four walls and travelled from place to place to 

encourage people to strive for independence. They joined non-violent as well 

as violent movement against the foreign rule. These women were not only 

from educated and enlightened families but also from illiterate and rural 

areas.” 

Dr Anjum names the following Muslim women who made a rich contribution 

to the freedom movement. (18) 

• Begum Hazrat Mahal, (wife of Nawab Wajid Ali Shah) took charge of the 

affairs of the state, after her husband was exiled to Calcutta. She worked in 

close association with other leaders of India’s first war of independence. She 

besieged Sir Henry Lawrence and other officials in the residency. She shot 

dead Sir Henry Lawrence. Although General Havelock came to help the 

English troops, yet he failed in the mission. After some time Sir Campbell 

became successful in recapturing Lucknow. The Begum was forced to retreat. 

She turned down all offers of amnesty and was prepared to escape rather 

than being caught by the British troops. 

• Bi Amma (Abadi Begum), heard that her son, Mohammad Ali who was 

arrested by the British in December 1921, would be released from jail after 

amnesty, she said with utmost confidence in her tone, "Mohammad Ali is a 

son of Islam and he can’t even think about begging forgiveness from the 

British. If he does so then my old hands have enough strength to strangle 

him." Abadi Begum was restless to see the country free from the foreign 

yoke. She herself used to spin cloth for her own use and convinced people to 

use Khadi. She tried hard for Hindu-Muslim unity and that to her was almost 

a part of Iman. 

• Mrs. Zubaida Daoodi, wife of Maulana Shafi Daoodi fought gallantly against 

the British and joined non-cooperation movement. She collected and burnt 

foreign clothes as a protest against the British. She also participated in all 

public gatherings and organised meetings to inspire women to participate in 

freedom struggle. 

• Azizan, another freedom fighter, was born in Lucknow in 1832 responded to 

Nana Sahib call June 4, 1857 urging Hindus and Muslims to get united for the 

cause of freedom, she left home and joined the freedom movement. She 

organised a battalion of women and taught women how to use arms. She 

9


collected information about the British and passed it on to the freedom 

fighters. She was caught and brought in front of General Havelock who 

offered to forgive her if she confessed all her faults but she rejected the 

proposal and preferred martyrdom. 

• Amjadi Begum (wife of Maulana Mohammad Ali Johar) of Rampur collected 

money for Satyagarah and Khilafat fund and bore all expenses of Mahatma 

Gandhi’s travel to introduce him to public. 

• Sadat Bano Kichlew, wife of Dr. Saifuddin Kichlew, compiled many patriotic 

poems and articles to encourage people. When Dr. Kichlew was arrested in 

1920, she said, "I feel proud that he got prison for his service to nation. To 

give one’s life for this cause is as if one has gained thousand lives." She also 

participated in civil disobedience movement and served ‘Swaraj Ashram’ 

founded by Dr. Kichlew as its chairperson. 

• Zulekha Begum (wife of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad) was a very courageous 

woman. When, in 1942, the Maulana got one year’s imprisonment, she wrote 

to Gandhiji, "My husband has got one year imprisonment. That is less than 

our expectation because if it is the result of his devotion to the nation then he 

did not get justice; it is less for his eligibility. From today, I will look after the 

whole work of Bengal Khilafat Committee." 

• Nishat un Nisa Begum (Begum Hasrat Mohani) came into the political and 

public arena after April 13, 1916, when Maulana Hasrat Mohani was taken 

into custody. She was public relations officer of her husband and looked after 

all the cases of the Maulana in the British courts. She represented Congress 

Subject Committee in 1921 with Begum Khursheed Khwaja (wife of Abdul 

Hamid Khwaja). They joined Swadeshi movement and helped Maulana Mohani 

to establish Khilafat Store in Aligarh. Begum Khursheed started editing a 

monthly magazine Hind when Khwaja Hamid was sent to jail. She also took 

charge of Jamia Millia Islamia in the absence of Khwaja. She established 

Hamidiya Girls Secondary School in Allahabad in 1930. 

• Razia Khatoon (daughter of Nasiruddin) was the first Muslim lady of Bengal 

who stood up against the British. She was arrested and sent to Kalapani 

where she took her last breath. 

• Akbari Begum, mother of Barrister Asif Ali, inspired Muslim women through 

her speeches to join the non-cooperation movement. In May 1920 she 

delivered a historic speech in which she said, "We should hold our religion 

firm and socially boycott the people who oppose it." 

• Other Muslim women who contributed to the Freedom Movement include 

Asghari Begum (mother of Qazi Abdur-Rahim), of Muzaffarnagar, who fought 

the British valiantly and was burnt alive when defeated; Habiba and Rahimi 

(Muzaffarnagar) who were caught and hanged for obstructing the advance of 

English forces; Zehida Khatoon Sherwani (daughter of Muzzamil Khan 

Sherwani) who wrote patriotic poems to encourage freedom fighters; Khadija 

10


Begum who joined the non-cooperation movement and went from home to 

home to inspire women to wear Khadi; Muneera Begum (wife of Maulana 

Mazharul Haq), Amina Qureshi, Fatima Qureshi, Amina Tyabji (wife of Abbas 

Tyabji), Rehana Tyabji (daughter of Abbas Tyabji), Hamida Tyabji (grand 

daughter of Shamsuddin Taybji), Begum Sakina Luqmani (daughter of 

Badruddin Taybji), Fatima Taib Ali, Shafaat-un-Nisa Bibi (wife of Maulana 

Habibur Rehman of Ludhiana), Safia Saad, Begum Kulsoom Siyani, Asmat Ara 

Khatoon, Sughra Khatoon, Bibi Amatul Islam, Fatima Ismail, Sultana Hayat 

Ansari, Hazra Begum, and Zuhra Ansari. Some of them were imprisoned, 

fined and suffered in the freedom movement. It is estimated that about 225 

Muslim women committed their lives to the Revolt but their role in the 

freedom movement has not been properly acknowledged by the historians”. 

Even on the other side of the present divide, hundreds of Muslim women 

participated in the Civil Disobedience movement against the British and 

courted arrest. Fatima Jinnah, sister of Mohammad Ali Jinnah, for instance, 

accompanied her brother on many of his official tours. Professor Sharif al 

Mujahid wrote in his article, ‘An Enduring Legacy’ in Dawn, July, 2003: 

“People do not realize that just by accompanying Jinnah wherever he went 

during the 1940s, Fatima Jinnah was teaching Muslim women to stand 

shoulder to shoulder with men during the freedom struggle. Numerous 

pictures of the period show Fatima Jinnah walking alongside Jinnah and not 

behind him. The message was loud and clear and it was one both the brother 

and sister wished to convey to the nation.” 

Prior to independence, both Hindus and Muslims had a common enemy: the 

colonizing power. This is the reason why Muslim women took part in the 

freedom struggle with as much zeal as the Hindu women. But, the main 

drawback was Muslim women’s poor educational status, secular education at 

that, and restrictions based on religion. Realizing this, the first English school 

for girls was started by Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah in Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh 

in 1906, despite opposition both from Hindus and Muslims. This was followed 

by a number of other schools. Some upper class Muslim women, including 

Sultana Jehan Begum of Bhopal, one of the three successive women rulers of 

the State of Bhopal, also supported such efforts. As a result of these efforts, 

a Muslim woman was practicing as an advocate in Punjab High Court as early 

as 1907 and by 1936 Hijab Imtiaz Ali Taj (1908-1999) had the rare honour of 

being the first woman pilot in India. 

Muslim social and educational reform movements sought co-operation and 

drew inspiration from Hindu women leaders, particularly from Sarojini Naidu, 

the first to reject gender barriers and join the freedom movement. This 

revolutionary mood continued in the 1930s and a number of Muslim women 

who had the privilege of education and exposure to the outside world 

produced daring literature like Dr. Rasheed Jehan and Ismat Chughtai. This 

11


period was marked by the convergence of women's issues across the 

boundaries of religion, focussed more on similarities than on differences. (19) 

However, following independence, when Muslims in India became a minority, 

or began to be called a minority (although, going by the numbers, there was 

nothing wrong in that) the community suddenly withdrew into a shell to 

retain their religious identity. As a part of the process, Muslims shunned 

secular education and Muslim women were confined to the home. 

Consequently, no Muslim woman was elected to the first Lok Sabha; there 

were only two Muslim women in the in the second Lok Sabha and only one in 

the third Lok Sabha. There were none in the 4 th and 5 th Lok Sabha and only 

two in the 6 th . Even those who entered the Parliament belonged to the elite 

political families or were nominated. Zarina Bhatty writes (20): 

“By the emergence of the feminist movement in the 1970s, minority identities 

had begun to harden, and Muslim women were affected by this divisive 

environment. Religious fundamentalists tried to place the onus of preserving 

religio-cultural identity on women. This identity syndrome, with women in the 

centre, diverted attention away from Muslim women's grim realities and the 

deviations from the actual Islamic position”. 

But, a number of separate Muslim women's organisations emerged to 

improve women's conditions similar to the male oriented social reform 

movements. In spite of working within the parameters of Islam, these 

organisations find the going problematic, as it tends to exclude the active 

support of non-Muslim feminists. The religious approach has also created 

problems for the organisations, as the activists are not theologians but, in 

their zeal, invite the support of the Muslim clergy. Thus they lose on purely 

theological arguments, as there is no feminist scholarship of Islam in India. 

This gives religious leaders legitimacy to curb woman's rights. (21) 

Muslim Women in the Lok Sabha 

In the first Lok Sabha (April 1952 to April 1957) there were no Muslim 

women; either among the successful candidates or among the losers. There 

were none in the Rajya Sabha too, although, both Houses combined, there 

were 22 Muslim members. In the second Lok Sabha (April 1957 to March 

1962) there were two Muslim women (Mafida Ahmed from Assam and 

Maimoona Sultan, the Begum Saheba of Bhopal). The combined strength of 

Muslim members in both the Houses during this period was 19. (22) 

Maimoona Sultan was the only Muslim woman to be elected to the Third Lok 

Sabha (2 April 1962 to 3 March 1967). She was nominated to the Rajya 

Sabha from April 1974 to April 1980 and from June 1980 to June 1986. 

12


No Muslim women were elected at the elections held for to the 4 th, 5 th, and 

10 th Lok Sabha. However, the 1977 elections for the 6 th Lok Sabha saw two 

Muslim women winning viz., Rashida Haq Chaudhari from Assam (Congress) 

and Akbar Jahan Begum (JKN) from Srinagar. (23) A third Muslim woman, 

Mohsina Kidwai was elected to the Lok Sabha in a bye election held in 1978 

from Azamgarh (UP). (24) A fourth Muslim woman was added to the Lok 

Sabha with the election of Begum Abida Ahmed in a bye election held in 

1981. While only one Muslim woman was elected (Mohsina Kidwai of the INC 

from Uttar Pradesh) at the 1980 elections held for the 7 th Lok Sabha, Muslim 

Women started contesting in a big way from this point. (25) 

While there were no independent candidates until now, the 1980 elections 

witnessed a sudden spurt of enthusiasm among Muslim women to contest 

elections, as evidenced by a number of Muslim women contesting as 

independents. 

Muslim Women at the 1980 General Elections to 7 th Lok Sabha 

State Name of Candidate Party 

Result of 

affiliation election 

Assam (Silchar) Rashida Haque Chaudhari INC Lost 

Bihar (Hazaribagh) Azima Hussain Independent Deposit forfeited 

Gujarat(Bharuch) Hasmat Begum Rehman INC-U -do- 

Maharashtra 

(Chandrapur) 

Pratima Nuruddin JNP-S -do- 

U.P (Shahabad) Mehrunnisa Independent -do- 

-do-(Hamirpur) Tahira Khan -do- -do- 

-do- (Aligarh) Ruhi Zuberi -do- -do- 

W.B., (Barasat) Noorjahan Begum -do- -do- 

-do-(Diamond 

Harbour) 

Jamila Khatun -do- -do- 

(Source: Election Commission’s Statistical Report) (JNP(S): Janata Party-Secular) 

(INC-U: Indian National Congress-United) 

The trend of Muslim women contesting elections at the national level, 

continued thereafter. Only three Muslim women were elected at the 1984 

elections to the 8 th Lok Sabha viz., Akbar Jahan Begum from Jammu and 

Kashmir, and Abida Ahmed and Mohsina Kidwai from Uttar Pradesh. As we 

have already seen, if Begum Akbar Jahan had some measure of advantage 

as the widow of Late Sheikh Abdullah, Mohsina Kidwai, on the other hand, 

had wide experience at both State and Central levels on account of which she 

could easily get re-nominated by the Congress Party. Abida Ahmed’s only 

qualification appears to be that she was the widow of Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, 

former President of India. 

13


At the 1984 elections, six Muslim women contested as independents or as 

nominees of registered regional political parties, only to lose; with most of 

them losing their security deposits. 



affiliation 

Result of election 

Bihar (Siwan) Bibi Khurshid Jehan LKD Lost 

M.P (Bhopal) Zohra Jamal Independent Deposit forfeited 

U.P (Bareily) Abida Ahmed INC Won 

-do- (Rampur) Aftab Jamani Begum Independent -do- 

-do- (Sitapur) Salma -do- -do- 

-do- (Banda) Shaheeda Hanfi -do- -do- 

-do- (Meerut) Nahid Malik -do- -do- 

(Source: Election Commission’s Statistical Report) (LKD: Lok Dal) 

At the 1989 elections to the 9 th Lok Sabha, only Subhashini Ali (CPM) was 

elected from Uttar Pradesh. Mohsina Kidwai and Begum Abida Ahmed, both 

Congress candidates, lost from Meerut and Bareily, respectively. However, 

there were several Muslim women who contested as independents, only to 

lose and forfeit their deposits. The following is the list. 



affiliation 

Result of election 

Kerala (Kasargod) Ayesha Mallath Independent Deposit forfeited 

M.P (Indore) Mumtaz B. Patel -do- -do- 

Bombay(South) Sayeeda Bano -do- -do- 

Rajasthan (Udaipur) Malika Khan -do- -do- 

UP (Bareily) Begum Abida Ahmed INC Lost 

UP (Kheri) Janey Jahan Independent Deposit forfeited 

UP (Maharajgunj) Ansari -do- -do- 

UP (Gazipur) Sayeeda -do- -do- 

UP (Meerut) Mohsina Kidwai INC Lost 

-do- Naheeda Malik Independent Deposit forfeited 

Andaman & Nicobar Zubaida Cheku -do- -do- 

(Source: Election Commission’s Statistical Report) 

As the 9 th Lok Sabha could not run its full term, mid-term elections were held 

for the Tenth Lok Sabha in 1991 and for Punjab State in 1992. In terms of 

performance in general, of the total of 330 women that contested (both 1991 

and 1992), only 38 were elected and 250 women candidates lost their 

14


security deposits. Yet, Muslim women did not lose their interest. As many as 

15 Muslim women contested the elections in 1991. There were no Muslim 

women candidates in 1992. The following were the results. 





Assam (Barpeta) Halida Khatoon Janata Party Deposit forfeited 

Bihar (Hazaribagh) Azeema Hussain -do- -do- 

Gujarat (Rajkot) Fareeda Kasham Juneja Independent -do- 

Gujarat (Ahmedabad Sk.Ayesha Mohammadali Jana Dal -do- 

M.P (Mandsaur) Bano Bi Independent -do- 

-do- Pyaribai Gurjar -do- -do- 

Bombay (N-W) Anees Syed Janata Dal -do- 

Rajasthan (Udaipur) Latifan Chakkiwale DDP* -do- 

Rajasthan (Jodhpur) Mehmooda Begum Independent -do- 

-do- Azeena Khan -do- -do- 

U.P (Domraiganj) Mohsina Kidwai INC Lost 

-do- Seema Mustafa ICS(CS)** Deposit Forfeited 

U.P (Kanpur) Subhashini Ali CPI (M) Lost 

-do- Tasneem Ali Janata Party Deposit forfeited 

W.B. (Jadhavpur) Lailunnisa Independent -do- 


(*) Doordarshi Party (**) Indian Congress- Socialist, Saratchandra Sinha faction) 

It appears from the above list that the established National parties did not 

entertain Muslim women, unless they were already holding a track record 

(like Mohsina Kidwai) or belonged to a dynasty and hence had a hold at the 

grassroots level and also had the means to fight the elections. This left the 

other Muslim women to try their luck to fight the elections under the banner 

of some existing party; even if it is obscure and has no history of electoral 

success. (26) The 10 th Lok Sabha did not have a single Muslim woman. 

Moving on to the elections held in 1996 for the eleventh Lok Sabha, a record 

number of 37 Muslim women tried their luck. It will be seen from the results 

furnished in the Table below that the Congress Party gave tickets only to two 

Muslim women: Mohsina Kidwai, a Congress loyalist, and Begum Noor Bano 

(aka Mahatab Zamani) of the Royal family of Rampur. Her husband, the 

Nawab of Rampur (Late Micky Mian) represented Rampur in the Parliament 

earlier. (27) 

15






A.P (Kurnool) Masoombi Independent D/F 

-do- (Hyderabad) Amtul Rasheed -do- -do- 

-do- (Secunderabad) Shahazadi Begum -do- -do- 

Assam (Gauhati) Nawazis Ara Begum SP -do- 

-do- (Tezpur) Syeda Hasna Begum Independent -do- 

-do- (Nowgong) Nazneen Faruque INC Lost 

Gujarat(Ahmedabad) Faridabanu J. Khan Independent D/F 

-do- (Bhavnagar) Faridabanu J. Pathan -do- -do- 

Jammu & Kashmir Mehbooba -do- -do- 

Karnataka (Bijapur) Nazma Ajeejuddin Bangi -do- -do- 

Kerala (Ponnani) A.K.Kuttyassan -do- -do- 

MP (Jangir) Tahira Khan -do- -do- 

-do- (Mandsaur) Raisa Bano -do- -do- 

-do- (Mandsaur) Bano Bee -do- -do- 

Mumbai(N-E) Ashraf Begum Bahadur Khan -do- -do- 

Mumbai (N-E) Sheikh Akhtar Jamal -do- -do- 

Maharashtra (Latur) Sk.Mumtaz Noor Mohammad -do- -do- 

Rajasthan (Churu) Anwar Bano -do- -do- 

-do- Bismilla -do- -do- 

-do- (Sikar) Jakiya -do- -do- 

-do- (Udaipur) Lateefan -do- -do- 

-do- (Jodhpur) Mehmooda Begum -do- -do- 

Tamilnadu (Ramnad) Abila Begum -do- -do- 

UP (Rampur) Nurbano Begum INC Won 

-do- (Rae Bareily) Mumtaz Sultan Independent D/F 

-do- (Domraiganj) Mohsina Kidwai INC -do- 

-do- (Domraiganj) Seema Mustafa Independent -do- 

-do-(Domraiganj) Rafique Khatun -do- -do- 

-do- (Varanasi) Madina Begum -do- -do- 

-do- (Allahabad) Mumtaz Hussain -do- -do- 

-do- (Kanpur) Subhashini Ali CPI (M) Lost 

-do- (Agra) Asifa Begum BKD D/F 

-do- (Meerut) Taslim Rizvi Independent -do- 

-do-(Meerut) Pakeeza Begum -do- -do- 

W.B (Jangipur) Jahera Begum -do- -do- 

New Delhi Saira RAM D/F 

East Delhi Shanaz Independent D/F 

16


(D/F: Deposit Forfeited) (Source: Election Commission’s Statistical Reports) 

The general elections held in 1998 for the 12 th Lok Sabha have not thrown up 

any surprises. Begum Noor Bano of Rampur who promised to change the 

face of Rampur lost the election. Once elected, the Begum responded to the 

needs of her electorate as any other male politician would have: doing 

nothing. (28) The following were the results of Muslim women who contested 

the 1998 elections. 

Muslim Women at the 1998 General Elections to 12th Lok Sabha 

State Name of 

Party 


Candidate affiliation election 

Andhra Pradesh (Nalgonda) Sakeena Alladdin Independent Deposit forfeited 

J & K (Srinagar) Hafiza Begum -do- -do- 

M.P (Khajuraho) Begum Noorjahan -do- -do- 

-do- (Mandsaur) Bano Bee -do- -do- 

Orissa (Berhampur) Aliya Begum RJD -do- 

Punjab (Ferozepur) Amro Bibi Independent -do- 

Rajasthan (Jodhpur) Mehmooda Begum SAP -do- 

Tamilnadu (Madras Central) Sava Mustafa Independent -do- 

-do- (Ramanathapuram) Nazeera Parvin PT -do- 

Uttar Pradesh (Rampur) Begum Noor Bano INC Lost 

-do- (Kanpur) Tarana Sarfuddin Independent Deposit forfeited 

-do- (Agra) Shammi -do- -do- 

-do- (Bulandshahr) Anisa -do- -do- 

-do-(Meerut) Mohsina Kidwai INC -do- 

-do- (Meerut) Shaheen Parvez JD -do- 


Elections to the 13 th Lok Sabha were held in 1999 due to the collapse of the 

National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government. Begum Noor Bano’s luck 

smiling, she was elected this time under Congress banner. On the other 

hand, Mohsina Kidwai did not contest the elections. 

Other Muslim women continued to try to enter the Parliament, most of them 

as independents and some under the banner of established parties like the 

Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), the Janata Dal, 

and other regional outfits. However, none of them could make it; either they 

lost but retained their deposits or lost so miserably as to forfeit their 

deposits, as the following Table will show. 

17






Assam (Guwahati) Nawazis Ara Begum SP Deposit forfeited 

Bihar (Lohardaga) Sofia Kachhap BSP -do- 

Gujarat (Gandhinagar) Mehmooda Riaz Munshi Ind. -do- 

-do- (Bharuch) Roshanben Shabbirbhai -do- -do- 

J & K (Srinagar) Mehbooba Mufti -do- Lost 

-do- (Srinagar) Hafiza Begum -do- Deposit forfeited 

-do- (Srinagar) Waheeda Shah -do- -do- 

-do- (Srinagar) Hafeeza Begum -do- -do- 

-do- (Srinagar) Aisha RJD -do- 

M.P (Khajuraho) Anisa JD (S) -do- 

-do-(Mandsaur) Bano Bee BMSM -do- 

M’rashtra (Parbhani) Noorjahan Rehman Khan Ind. -do- 

-do- (Parbhani) Mumtaz Md. Yahya Khan -do- -do- 

Rajasthan (Jalawar) Razia Bano RJVP -do- 

-do- (Jodhpur) Mehmooda Abbasi Ind. -do- 

Tamilnadu (Ramnad) Nazeera Parvin Dr. PT -do- 

-do- (Ramnad) Ayeravalli alias Ameenal Ind. -do- 

U.P (Nainital) Naina Ahmed BSP -do- 

-do- (Rampur) Noor Bano Begum INC Won 

-do- (Lucknow) Afaque Parvin AIMF Deposit forfeited 

-do- (Bahraich) Ruvab Sayeeda SP -do- 

-do- (Maharajgunj) Talat Aziz BSP Lost 

-do- (Farrukhabad) Louise Salman 

Khursheed 

INC Lost 

W.B (Mushirabad) Khadija Banu Ind. Deposit forfeited 

-do- (Calcutta N-W) Masarrat Begum JD (S) -do- 

-do- (Bolpur) Nazma JP -do- 

(Source: Election Commission’s statistical reports) 

(PT: Puthiya Tamilagam; RJVP: Rajasthan Vikas Party; BMSM: Bharatiya Minorities 

Suraksha Mahasangh; AIMF: All India Minorities Front; JD(S): Janata Dal (Secular); 

JP: Janata Party) 

Elections to the present Lok Sabha (14 th ) were held in 2004. Out of the total 

355 contestants, 239 women lost the elections losing their deposits. Only 45 

women could win the battle for the ballot. In the bye elections held later, five 

more women won seats in the Lok Sabha, taking the total to 50. These 

included Priya Dutt (November 2005) from Mumbai; Sonia Gandhi (February 

2006) from Rae Bareily; Botcha Jhansi Laxmi, (December 2006) Bobbili, 

Andhra Pradesh; Yashodhara Raje Scindia, (March 2007) Gwalior, Madhya 

18


Pradesh; and Suman Mahato, (July-September 2007) Jamshedpur, 

Jharkhand. 

From the point of view of Muslim women’s political participation, the following 

were the results. 


State Name of 

Party 


Candidate 


A.P (Secunderabad) Humera Aziz AIMIM Deposit forfeited 

Assam (Dhubri) Jabeen Borbhuyan BJP -do- 

-do- (Mangaldoi) Shaheda Begum SAP -do- 

J & K (Srinagar) Mehbooba Independent -do- 

-do- (Anantnag) Mehbooba mufti JKPDP Won 

Karnataka (Bellary) Gousia Begum Independent Deposit forfeited 

Madhya Pradesh (Betul) Shameem Modi SWJP -do- 

Mumbai (N-W) Saira Bano Md.Patel Independent -do- 

Maharashtra (Nanded) Sk.Waheeda 

Mehbooba Pasha 

BSP -do- 

Rajasthan (Jodhpur) Mehmooda Begum Independent -do- 

Tamilnadu (Madras) Bader Sayeed ADMK Lost 

-do- (Chengalpattu) Shayeen Banu Independent Deposit forfeited 

U.P (Moradabad) Faeem Akhtar -do- -do- 

-do- (Rampur) Noor Bano Begum INC Lost 

-do- (Sambhal) Tarannum Aqeel BSP Lost 

-do- (Bahraich) Rubab Sayeeda SP Won 

-do- (Maharajgunj) Talat Aziz BSP Lost 

-do- (Kanpur) Subhashini Ali CPM Deposit Forfeited 

-do- (Farrukhabad) Louise Salman 

Khurshid 

INC Lost 

West Bengal (Calcutta-S) Nafisa Ali Sodhi INC Deposit Forfeited 

Outer Delhi Kaisar NBNP -do- 

(Source: Election Commission’s Statistical Reports) 

(AIMIM: All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen; SAP: Samata Party; JKPDP: Jammu 

and Kashmir People’s Democratic Party; SWJP: Samajwadi Jana Parishad; ADMK: 

Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam; SP: Samata Party; NBNP: Nav Bharat Nirman 

Party) 

• Though not unexpected, an interesting outcome of the 2004 election 

was the trouncing of the Begum Saheba of Rampur by an ex-film star, 

Jayaprada at Rampur. 

19


• Secondly, Muslim women continued to seek sponsors among the 

national and regional parties, resulting in some of them fighting the 

elections under the banner of different parties. 

• It was also for the first time that a recognised Muslim Party, the AIMIM 

supported a woman at the elections from Secunderabad in Andhra 

Pradesh. 

• The AIADMK supported Bader Sayeed, Advocate and Social Activist 

from Chennai. With a little more support from the community she 

could have won the seat. 

Muslim Women in the Rajya Sabha 

Muslim women have also made it to the Rajya Sabha (the Upper House of 

the Parliament) from time to time, either through a separate process of 

election or having been nominated to the House. The following is the full list 

of such women. 

Name State Party/ 

Nominated 

Period 

Aizaz Rasul Begum U.P INC 03.04.52 to 02.04.56 

Azmi, Shabana Mumbai Nominated 27.08.97 to 26.08.03 

Habibullah, Hamida U.P Nominated 03.04.76 to 02.04.82 

Heptulla, Dr Nazma Maharashtra INC 05.07.80 to 04.07.86 

05.07.86 to 04.07.92 

05.07.92 to 04.07.98 

05.07.98 to 10.06.04 

05.07.04 to 04.07.10 

Imam, Aziza Bihar INC 20.03.73 to 02.04.76 

03.04.76 to 02.04.82 

Ismail, Fatima .. Nominated 14.04.78 to 13.04.84 

Khan, Shyam Kumari U.P INC 11.12.63 to 02.04.68 

Khan, Ushi Rajasthan INC 03.04.76 to 02.04.82 

Khatun, Sayeeda M.P INC 03.06.86 to 29.06.92 

Kidwai, Anis U.P INC 03.04.56 to 02.04.62 

03.04.62 to 02.04.68 

Kidwai, Mohsina Chattisgarh INC 03.06.04 to 29.06.10 

Kidwai, Begum 

Sadiqua 

Delhi INC 24.11.56 to 02.04.58 

03.04.58 to 03.06.58 

Razack, Noorjahan Tamilnadu AIADMK 25.07.77 to 24.07.83 

Sultan, Maimoona M.P INC 03.04.74 to 02.04.80 

30.06.80 to 29.06.86 

Taimur, Syeda Anwara Assam Nominated 25.11.88 to 08.05.90 

INC 03.04.04 to 02.04.10 

20

(Source: Election Commission’s Statistical Reports) 


It will be seen from the data furnished above, as on date there are only two 

Muslim women in the Lok Sabha (Mehbooba Mufti and Rubab Sayeed) and 

three in the Rajya Sabha (Dr Nazma Heptulla, Mohsina Kidwai and Syeda 

Anwara Taimur). 

Why should Women enter Parliament? 

Why not? After all, women represent about fifty percent of any country’s 

population and they have as much right as men in taking decisions relating 

to the family, the society and the nation through political participation. 

Political participation is also defined as any behaviour which affects the 

political system or seeks to affect it. Women have always been and continue 

to be affected by decisions made by male leaders and political elite, often 

40 

35 

30 

25 

20 

15 

10 

5 

0 

Muslim Women contestants in Lok Sabha 

General Elections 

9 

6 

11 

15 

1980 1984 1989 1991 1996 1998 1999 2004 

37 

15 

25 

21 

with utter disregard to the 

consequences of such decisions on 

women. They are as much entitled 

as men are, to enjoy the right to 

play a meaningful role in 

determining their own destiny. After 

all, leadership is not the essential 

and inherent characteristic of men; 

training and socialization make men 

and women acquire the capacity of 

leadership. No pre-existing 

characteristic can be found in men 

and women. In fact, as essentialism 

is of no application and validity, women have got to be empowered so that 

their potentials for political leadership are actualized. 

The necessity of women’s presence and participation in the society does not 

arise from mere tokenism and symbolism. The experiences of many countries 

have demonstrated that every society in which women’s share in political and 

social activities as well as at the managerial levels has increased, it has made 

much more progress and reached development more quickly. We would like 

to reiterate once again that true civil society will always be imperfect and 

improper without the women’s true presence; the women who constitute half 

of the social body. No society will be able to underpin the foundations of a 

strong civilization, if it has made itself deprived from the presence, 

participation and activities of half of its potentially capable population in the 

public sphere. 

21


Although several of the dictatorships have collapsed, the democracies that 

have emerged from such fallen regimes have not been democratized to the 

extent of granting gender equality. This is obvious from the low participation 

of women in politics at the decision-making level in almost all countries, 

except the Nordic states, in spite of the recognition of the fact that women’s 

presence in political leadership results, by and large, in a healthy society and 

a corruption free democracy. 

If an increased presence of women in the legislative bodies is not realised, 

“women may gradually come to believe that they are merely used as 

subservient voters who are intended to be forced to appear at the ballot 

boxes in the election days and vote for the male candidates; the candidates 

who may not have much concern for women’s demands and aspirations. This 

problem will give rise to women’s frustration in the long run. (29) It should 

be noted that civil society, development, and social justice would never find 

their true meanings without women’s presence, role and sharing and will 

constantly remain volatile and improper. All that is proposed under the title 

of measures is just intended to show the ways to reach a true civil society 

and a better, more equal and more humane future for Muslim countries. 

Muslim Women and Political Participation 

It is an established fact that women in India, per se, suffer discrimination; 

even if it is covert. Muslim women suffer more compared to their sisters 

belonging to Hindu and Christian religions, due to reasons well documented. 

Apart from curtailment of most of their rights they are told that the primary 

duty of a conservative Muslim woman is to look after her husband and 

children. Take for example Kerala, where the biggest beneficiaries of onethird 

reservation in Panchayats in Malappuram district, has been the Muslim 

League. A number of Muslim women got elected as members of the gram 

Panchayats, municipal councils, block Panchayat and district Panchayat. But, 

the Muslim League insisted on a dress code for its elected women. K.P.M. 

Basheer writes (30): 

“The women have been asked to don Islamic dress (which means sari, fullsleeve 

blouse and the headgear, `mafta'). They are restricted from attending 

meetings and public functions after sundown. They have been advised to pay 

extra attention to their households, husbands and children (so that family life 

is not affected by the public role.) The women have even been told to take 

care of their husbands' egos, lest the wives' positions trigger an inferiority 

complex or jealousy in them”! 

In some strictly conservative Islamic societies and under oppressive regimes, 

women were (and still) not allowed to venture outside her home except with 

22


the permission of her husband or father. If some Muslim woman rises above 

the ordinary, they are ignored, if not condemned outright. Take the case of 

Yasmin Ratansi, who became the first Muslim woman to be elected to the 

Canadian Parliament from Toronto at the June 2004 federal elections. It 

should have been considered a historic moment in the 60,000 strong Muslim 

community of Canada The national media failed to highlight the event and 

the traditional Muslim organizations did not consider Ms Ratansi as a Muslim 

as she did not conform to the stereotype; she does not cover her head, and 

she belongs to the Ismaili sect, like the sitting Conservative MP Rahim Jaffer. 

(31) We have Sania Mirza as an example back home. 

The twentieth century has been an era of vigorous re-awakening in the areas 

of political thought, literature and knowledge. Hoda Shaaraawi, recognised by 

historians as the first leader of the women's liberation movement in Egypt, 

founded the first women's federation in 1923 with women from the upper 

and middle classes. They fought to abolish the veil, to raise the age of 

marriage for girls, to prevent polygamy, to diminish the absolute right of 

men to divorce and to give women the right to vote. This organisation 

worked hard to bring women's rights to the forefront as part of the national 

struggle for liberation in Egypt. Doreya Shafik was a brave fighter for 

women's rights, and organised a political party for women in Egypt in 1953, 

called Hisb Ben El Nil. She led a demonstration to parliament demanding the 

right to vote for women, but failed to achieve her objective and committed 

suicide. 

We are citing the Egyptian example in as much as the Muslim women of 

India are also fighting for the same rights as the Egyptian women; for 

redressal of the same grievances and injustices as the Egyptian women. If 

women of other religions in the Parliament, who definitely understand and 

appreciate the problems of Muslim women, plead their case, it is more than 

likely that the Muslim community will accuse that they are interfering in the 

internal matters of the community. As such, it is desirable and necessary that 

there is enough number of Muslim women in the Parliament to raise issues 

related to the community’s women. 

As we have seen from the data furnished above, Muslim women’s urge to 

gain representation in the country’s Parliament has been not only increasing 

but the effort has been a sustained one. If women, as a category by 

themselves, have unique problems of their own and without their 

representation such problems may go unnoticed and not considered in a 

male-dominated parliament, Muslim women have their own religion-specific 

issues. While Hinduism neither precludes nor encourages its women to take 

active part in politics, Muslims in almost all Islamic countries have not only 

never encouraged their women to enter politics but have, instead, 

discouraged them from doing so. While Indian Muslim religious “leaders” 

23


frown upon Muslim women contesting elections, they have not at least 

stopped them from voting. Nomita Halder writes that “a recent discovery 

indicates that millions of Bangladeshi women have never had the experience 

of voting due to fatwa that voting involves women’s public interaction. During 

the last 3-4 years, the government and several NGOs have taken the 

initiative to teach these women how to vote and for the first time thousands 

of women cast their votes in the 2001 general election.” (32) 

Apart from religious leaders, families do not encourage their women (wives, 

daughters, sisters) to take up politics, unless they are “political families”. Dr. 

Najma Heptulla, who was also the Deputy Speaker of the Rajya Sabha, is 

from an elite class and educational background and enjoys support for her 

work from both her natal and marital family. Margaret Alva, a Christian, a 

former Minister of State and Founder Chair of the National Commission for 

Women of India, is from a similar background. In both cases the families 

were involved in the national movement, were influenced by liberal ideology 

and were highly educated. (33) It is for this reason that we find several 

women contesting one or two elections and then disappearing from the 

scene. On the other hand, most often the electors find it difficult to accept a 

woman to represent them, unless she is already an accepted social worker 

and has proved her commitment to the societal problems. If the candidate is 

a Muslim woman, it appears that the community itself ignores her as is 

evidenced by Muslim women contesting as independents losing the elections 

miserably, often polling a few hundred votes and losing their security 

deposits. The question is why? Doesn’t the community take pride if a woman 

from the community rises to a politically important position? 

In a small way, but surely, Muslim women have come to realize that they are 

being denied their rights by the patriarchal society. Examples trickle down 

though the media. (34) 

Indian women have been demanding their rightful place in politics and in 

spite of a proposal to reserve 33% of the seats in the Parliament and 

legislative assemblies in the states, the proposal has been facing hurdles 

since 1996. Women, including Muslim women, who tried to enter the 

parliament or legislatures as independents have had little luck. Thus, 

women’s increased political participation in any society does not take place 

automatically, but certain specific measures are necessary for the 

reinforcement of the level of such participation. 

It is in this connection that the opposition of Muslim women for reservation of 

quota for them within the 33% demanded for women in general, is 

intriguing. Why do they object? Brinda Karat provides an answer (35): 

24


“While there is no constitutional provision for religion-based reservation, the 

demand for separate reservation for Muslim women within the Women’s Bill is 

for obvious reasons untenable. That is why many Muslim women have taken a 

pragmatic stand requesting Muslim MPs in the Parliament not to stall the Bill 

as it will give them some hope to contest elections in women reserved seats.” 

According to a press report, Muslim women have termed the demand from 

the male politicians for a sub-quota for Muslim women is nothing but an 

attempt to delay and keep alive the issue (of reservation for women) for 

political gains. (36) Muslim women who opposed such a sub-quota argue that 

if the Bill is passed in its present form, it will benefit women belonging to 

SC/ST categories and minorities and as such there need be no special quota 

for Muslim women. They point out that results of civic polls to show that a 

number of Muslim women have been participating in the elections and those 

who win have been taking their own decisions and not influenced by their 

husbands. 

By the 1990s, even in Muslim regions conditions had changed significantly. 

And the socioeconomic development had helped many women to become 

educated, to become financially independent, and to reach positions of 

authority and responsibility. Women became visible. Even if only very few 

reached higher management ranks, their public presence could not be 

ignored but instead became emblematic of women's aspirations and potential 

achievements. During their development women became increasingly 

conscious of a gap between their human rights and social needs, on the one 

hand, and their objective conditions, on the other. They started to make 

public demands. Now "women's rights" became a serious issue; the 

patriarchy was faced with a challenge, and it began to react. 

Indeed, even in India many Muslim women have begun to take an active 

interest in theological arguments regarding women. They claim the right to 

interpret laws and religious texts themselves and to learn the skills necessary 

for such interpretation; they challenge andocentric and misogynist 

interpretations of texts; and they are determined to find in Islam 

justifications for demanding individual freedom and women's rights. They 

have, in other words, joined the political struggle over the right to make their 

religion work for them. (37) Examples lie in the drafting of an alternate 

Model Nikahnama by the All India Women’s Personal Law Board and the 

starting of an exclusive mosque for women in Tamilnadu. 

Thus, there are highly competent Muslim women in different walks of life in 

India and it is difficult to name them for fear of missing some. The presence 

of such women in the State Legislatures and Parliament will immensely 

benefit the community, its women and children particularly. But then, it is for 

the community to allow them to take the plunge. Yusuf Muchala, legal 

25


advisor and member of the AIMPLB observes that in the Muslim society very 

few women are socially active and felt that "unless Muslim women demand 

their legitimate rights they will continue to suffer. Women themselves are not 

demanding their rights and male ego would not allow it to concede their 

demands. Women have to fight their own battle." (38) 

According to a report, the Joint Action Front for Women has alleged that the 

political parties have not kept up their promise of giving more seats to 

women and that the few women contesting the elections on behalf of political 

parties are only “dummy candidates” who have remote chances of winning 

against strong opponents. Such dummy candidates are fielded when a 

political party does not want offer opposition to a veteran and offer a token 

opposition by fielding a weak candidate. By choosing a woman as the weak 

candidate, the party can always say that it gave an opportunity for woman. 

(39) 

Muslim society of India is very heterogeneous in nature because of the 

influence of caste system, which has, it is held, led to Indianisation of Islam. 

Indian Muslims are facing various socio-economic problems in today’s age, 

which has to be understood in terms of their educational background. There 

are various reasons for the educational backwardness of Muslim women; 

economic, social and cultural. The patriarchal nature of Islam (as it is 

practiced), Muslim women remain backward due “Islamic traditions.” Leave 

alone higher education, often even primary education is not easily accessible 

to them. Match fixing within the kinship creates distraction among young 

girls and they lose the zeal to become achievers. If at all they are fortunate 

enough to go to a good school, they are often discouraged to go for higher 

education, especially overseas. The more highly qualified a girl is, the less 

are her chances of finding a suitable husband; and there are often 

misconceptions regarding the “purity” of highly educated girls and those that 

have studied abroad. Women are conditioned to such an exploitative 

situation in their lives and accept the laws passed by religious leaders. The 

only solution to liberate them from the shackles of ignorance, illiteracy, 

exploitation is through education. 

Qur’an and Muslim Women’s Political participation 

Muslim women have social responsibility in Islam, which is derived from the 

following Quranic verse which states: (40) 

"And [as for] the believers, both men and women - they are friends and 

protectors of one another: they enjoin the doing of what is right and forbid 

the doing of what is wrong, and are constant in prayer, and render the 

purifying dues, and pay heed unto God and His apostle. It is they upon whom 

God will bestow His grace: verily, God is almighty, wise." (Quran 9:71) 

26


This verse shows that women and men are to work together in the religious 

realm (the reference to prayer), in the social realm (rendering purifying 

dues, presumably to help the needy), and in the political and educational 

realm (the reference to heeding God and His apostle -- one must understand 

what God commands and have a voice in society to heed God’s teachings). 

The references in the verse to the activities required, e.g. enjoining the right, 

prayer, etc. show that both women and men are to take an active role in 

society rather than merely a passive one. (41) 

Does Islam, as a religion, or Qur’an, prohibit Muslim women from seeking a 

political office by contesting in elections? Sheikh Ahmad Kutty, a senior 

lecturer and Islamic scholar at the Islamic Institute of Toronto, Ontario, 

Canada, said (42): 

"There is nothing in the authentic sources of Islam that prevents women from 

running for political offices if they are confident of their expertise and 

credentials to make a positive difference - provided they are not doing so at 

the expense of their greater responsibilities of nurturing and caring for their 

families. Here, it must be stressed at all times that Islam considers a woman's 

role as a mother to be the noblest duty she can ever perform; nothing else 

can replace it. However, if her involvement in politics does not come in the 

way of this crucial role, there is nothing in Islam to dissuade her from it." 

Political involvement is a means to fulfil one’s obligations to society. 

Involvement in the political system can take many forms, from voting in 

elections, to holding a position as a legislator or a judge, to being a head of 

state. Islamic history provides precedents for each of these roles for women. 

By participating in the elections and contesting as independent candidates, 

Muslim women have shown that given a chance and support, they do not shy 

away from the public sphere; and the men (fathers and husbands) who gave 

the necessary support did so with confidence in them. A profile of the Muslim 

women who contested the 2004 Lok Sabha elections (Annexure) shows that 

not all of them were from the elite class. Further: 

• Eight out of the 20 candidates were double graduates; 

• Only Begum Noor Bano belonged to the Royal family of Rampur and all 

others were from the middle and upper-middle classes; 

• Only Mehbooba Mufti (daughter of Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, former 

Chief Minister of J& K) and Louise Khurshid (wife of Salman Kurshid) 

belonged to political families; 

• All of them, with the exception of Noor Bano Begum were in the 30+ 

age group. 

27


Supported by their husbands and/or parents, they contested the elections 

even as independent candidates. All of them lost the elections and forfeited 

their deposits, but it shows their ambition to enter the Parliament. It is seen 

that he Constitution does not permit religion-based reservations and hence 

Muslim women cannot have certain seats reserved for them even when the 

Women’s Reservation Bill becomes a law. Assuming that the Bill gets passed 

in the summer session (May 2008) of the Parliament will the mainstream 

parties nominate Muslim women? If not, should Muslim women continue to 

fight as independents? 

Irrespective of whether the Women’s Reservation Bill enters the statute 

book, it is time that the mainstream political parties nominate Muslim women 

for the Assembly and Parliament elections. There is no dearth for 

competency among Muslim Women. Women, particularly Muslim women, are 

an untapped resource. Muslim women are not unwilling to join politics. A 

number of Muslim women have entered politics through the Panchayat Raj 

institutions, especially in Kerala and some of them have been doing 

exceedingly well. A number of separate Muslim women's organisations have 

also emerged to improve women's conditions similar to the male oriented 

social reform movements. Having to work within the parameters of Islam, 

their approach has been problematic, as it tends to exclude the active 

support of non-Muslim feminists. The Muslim women’s conflict is explained by M. 

A. Muqtedar Khan in the following words. (43) 

“The changes and challenges of the twentieth century have indeed been 

rough for Muslim women. They have been caught in the crossfire at many 

levels. Whether it is the culture wars between Islam and the West, or the civil 

wars between secularists and Islamists, Muslim women have to bear the 

brunt of travails associated with these conflicts. Either they lose their 

husbands and sons to the battlefield, or they lose their freedoms and dignity 

in the social arena. Tragedy and irony are the two dominant themes of their 

existence. At times, they are victims of those who seek to protect them and 

at other times, they are oppressed by those who seek to emancipate them. 

Even when it comes to historical processes, Muslim women are caught in the 

struggle between the imperialism of modernity and the intransigence of 

traditions”. 

The various Muslim Women’s organizations seem to be mainly, if not totally, 

concerned with improving the socio-economic conditions of the Muslim 

Women in the first instance. These include the illiteracy among women, 

domestic violence, poverty, the veil, divorce, and the status of women under 

Muslim personal law and the like. “Religious approach has also created 

problems for the organisations, as the activists are not theologians but, in 

their zeal, invite the support of the Muslim clergy. Thus they lose on purely 

theological arguments, as there is no feminist scholarship of Islam in India. 

This gives religious leaders legitimacy to curb woman's rights (44) What 

28


Muslim women need is education, one that would enable them understand 

the nuts and bolts of administration, the rules and regulations and the 

intricacies of administration in a government institution. Muslim women of 

Kerala have shown that they could become computer literate and still be 

within the boundaries of their religion. 

We recall the advice of Hajia Alima Mahama, Minister for Women and 

Children’s Affairs, Ghana who asked Muslim women to take up leadership 

roles in the nation because Allah had encouraged the participation of both 

men and women in governance. She said: “Political involvement of both men 

and women is a means to fulfill one’s obligation in his or her society. The 

evolution of Islamic history is full of precedents on each of these roles played 

by women in the past and present.” 

Islamic laws do not make it mandatory for women to remain confined to 

household duties. Asghar Ali Engineer writes: “India being a secular 

democratic country there is much more political and social space available to 

Muslim women in India compared to their sisters in many other Muslim 

countries. To avail of this social and political space increased awareness 

among women is needed. The greatest stumbling block is poverty. One finds 

even great urge for modern education among women but poverty pulls them 

down.” (45) 

The Muslim community in India should encourage their children, both boys 

and girls, to take up secular education along with religious education so as to 

compete in today’s world. There is no point in rejecting secular education and 

bemoaning that the community is poor and backward. Muslim men have also 

to understand the Quranic edict and allow their women discharge their 

obligations to the society under the Quran. Most of all, they should repose 

faith in their women by allowing the girls pursue education and become 

qualified to compete in today’s world. Only when the girls are educated can 

the community – any community for that matter – expect a change in their 

lives. Remember Quran: "Verily God does not change the state of a people 

until they change the state of their own lives." (13:11). 

___________________________ 

29


Profile of women candidates at the May 2004 General Elections to the 

Lok Sabha 

State Constituency Name of 

Candidate 

Age & 

marital 

status 

Educational 

qualifications 

AP Secunderabad Humera Aziz 34 (M) SSC, B.A 

(discontinued) 

Assam Dhubri Jabeen 

45 (M) HSC. BA 

Borbhuyan 

(discontinued) 

-do- Mangaldoi Shaheda Begum 40 (M) HSC 

J&K Srinagar Mehabooba 52 (M) Matric & TDC 

-do- Anantnag Mehbooba Mufti 42 

(UM) 

Law graduate 

Karnataka Bellary Gousia Begum 26 (M) SSLC 

M.P Betul Shameem Modi 41 (M) MA., MPhil., LLB 

Maharashtra Mumbai(N-W) Patel Saira Bano 38 (M) HSC, TYBA 

-do- Nanded Sk. Waheeda 

Mehaboob Pasha 

37 (M) M.Com 

Rajasthan Jodhpur Mehmuda Begum 

Abbasi 

42 (M) Not known 

Tamilnadu Madras (S) Bader Sayeed 57 (M) BA LLB 

-do- Chengalpattu S.Sayeen Banu 36 (M) Not known 

U.P Moradabad Faeem Akhtar 46 (M) Home-based 

education 

-do- Rampur Begum Noor Bano 64 (M) Senior Cambridge 

-do- Sambhal Tarannum Aqeel 38 (M) BA (Final Year) 

-do- Bahraich Rubab Sayeeda 54 (M) MA., B.Ed 

-do- Maharajgunj Talat Aziz 52 (M) B.A., B.Lib 

-do- Kanpur Subhashini Ali 57 (M) M.A 

-do- Farrukhabad Louise Khurshid 49 (M) M.A (English) (Hons.) 

& MA (Journalism, 

with Political Science 

& Economics (USA) 

West Bengal Kolkata (S) Nafisa Ali Sodhi 46 (M) Intermediate 

Delhi Outer Delhi Kaisar 33 (M) Primary education 

from Madrasa 

AP (Andhra Pradesh), MP (Madhya Pradesh), (M): Married; (UM): Unmarried 


30

REFERENCES 


1. Ahamed, Ishtiaque. ‘Plight of Muslim Women’ in The Sunday Times on the web 

(Available at http://www.sundaytimes.lk/980322/plus8.html) 

2. ibid. 

3. Asad, Muhammad. The Principles of State and Government in Islam, Dar Al- 

Andalus, 1980, p. 32 (citing Abu Dawud), Women's Participation in Politics, 

(Available at 

http://www.crescentlife.com/thisthat/feminist%20muslims/women_and_politics.htm) 

4. Afkhami, Mahnaz and Erika Friedl. Muslim Women and the Politics of Participation: 

Implementing the Beijing Platform, Syracuse University Press, 1997. (Available at 

http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=59644978) 

5. ibid 

6. Hassan, Farkhonda. ‘Islamic Women in Science’, Essays on Science and Society, in 

Science, 6 October 2000, Vol. 290. No. 5489 (Available at 

http://www.sciencemag.org/cgi/content/full/290/5489/55) 

7. At the elections held to the Bahrain’s Parliament in 2003 (after it was dissolved in 

1975), all the women who contested lost. In the November 2006 elections only one 

woman could win, although there were 18 women among the total 221 contestants. 

(Asharq Al-Awsat (English language news paper), 18 October 2006) In fact, Lateefa 

al-Geood won unopposed as she was the only candidate registered to run in her 

region. Al-Geood holds a Bachelor's degree in Business Administration and a Master's 

degree in Financial Management from the University of Nottingham in England. 

8. Women in Politics: Women in the Arab World get organised. In the World of 

Parliaments, Issue No.23, October 2006 (Available at http://www.ipu.org/newse/23-4.htm) 

9. Al-Hayat (London), October 25, 1999. ‘Women's Rights in the Arab World’, 

December 10, 1999 (Available at 

http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/arabs/arabwomen.html) 

10. Coleman, Isobel. ‘Women, Islam and the New Iraq’ in Foreign Affairs, January- 

February 2006. (Available at 

http://www.foreignaffairs.org/20060101faessay85104/isobel-coleman/women-islamand-the-new-iraq.html) 

11. It is for this reason that even Zia-ul-Haque, despite his zeal for Islamisation, 

could not remove the Muslim Family Ordinance of 1962 guaranteeing certain rights 

to women. In Malaysia, there are a number of women's organisations actively 

campaigning for their rights. Sisters-in-Islam works for creating awareness among 

31


the Muslim women. In Dhaka, reformist groups are campaigning for the reinterpretation 

of Muslim personal law to bring it in line with modern social values. 

12. Barron, Andrea, “Tunisia as an Arab Women's Rights Leader” (Part I), July 11, 

2007. Tunisia has had the most progressive policies on women in the Arab world 

ever since President Habib Bourguiba proclaimed the Code of Personal Status in 

August 1956, five months after declaring its independence from France. The code 

abolished polygamy without exception and forbids husbands from unilaterally 

divorcing their wives and gave women more child custodial rights. Available at 

http://www.theglobalist.com/StoryId.aspx?StoryId=6305) 

13. Muslim Women, Politics and Civil Society, Paper presented by Zahra Shojaie 

Advisor to the President on Women’s Affairs, Centre for Women’s Participation, 

Presidential Office, Islamic Republic of Iran, the Second Annual Arab International 

Women’s Forum Conference, London, 24 October 2003. (Available at 

http://www.aiwfonline.co.uk/downloads/dr%20zahra%20shojaie.pdf) 

14. Khalil, Abu. (1994: 129). (Halder, Nomita. ‘Female Representation in Parliament: 

A Case Study from Bangladesh’ in New Zealand Journal of Asian Studies, 6, 1 (June 

2004):27-63, (Available at http://www.nzasia.org.nz/downloads/NZJAS- 

June04/6_1_3.pdf.) 

15. Quoted by Malavika Karlekar, ‘Reporting on Women in Panchayati Raj’ December 

2002, in The Hoot.org, reproduced in India Together, 19 April 2008. (Available at 

http://www.indiatogether.org/women/media/snprize.htm) 

16. Sen, Samita. “Toward a Feminist Politics? : The Indian Women’s Movement in 

Historical Perspective” Policy Research Report on Gender and Development, Working 

Paper Series No.9, The World Bank, Development Research Group, April 2000, 

(Available at http: //www.worldbank.org/gender/prr) 

17. Anjum, Dr Darakhshan. “Role of Muslim Women in Freedom Movement”, in 

Radiance Weekly, Vol. XLIV, No.28, December 31, 2006. (Available at 

http://www.radianceweekly.com/cover_story.php?content_id=179&issue_id=48) 

18. Ibid 

19. Bhatty, Zarina. “Feminists or Reformists?” in The Hindu, March 16, 2003 

(Available at 

http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/mag/2003/03/16/stories/2003031600350400. 

htm) 

20. bid. 

21. Ibid 

22. Mafida Ahmed (d. January 17, 2008) was a social and political worker, who 

strove for the upliftment of marginalized sections of the society, particularly women. 

32

(Lok Sabha, Synopsis of Debates, March 19, 2008. (Available at 

http://164.100.24.209/newls/synopsistoday.aspx) 


23. Akbar Jahan Begum (d.11 July 2000), wife of Sheikh Abdullah was an active 

social and political worker and worked relentlessly for the welfare of children and 

women. She was instrumental in organizing Peace Committees in Srinagar during 

1946. She was the first President of J&K Red Cross Society from 1947 to 1951 and 

President of All India Family Welfare Association, State Branch, 1976 and All India 

Women’s Conference, State Branch in 1977. Lok Sabha, Synopsis of Debates, 

Obituary References (Available at 

http://parliamentofindia.nic.in/lsdeb/ls13/ses4/24072k.htm) 

24. Mohsina Kidwai entered Lok Sabha with a strong political and administrative 

background. She was an MLC in Uttar Pradesh (1960-74) and MLA (1974-75); and 

handled Food and Civil Supplies, Harijan and Social Welfare, Small Scale Industries 

Departments in Uttar Pradesh. 

25. Mohsina Kidwai was later elected to the Seventh and Eighth Lok Sabha. She held 

different portfolios in the Ministries of Labour and Rehabilitation, Health and Family 

Welfare, Rural Development, Transport, Urban Development, and Tourism. She was 

later elected to Rajya Sabha in July 2004. 

26. The political base of Doordarshi party formed in 1980 by Guru Jai Gurudev was 

social reform and spiritual upliftment. The party could not make any headway in 

politics and was wound up. Nothing much is known about the ICS (SC) party, except 

that it was a breakaway faction of the Indian Congress (Socialist) and led by former 

Assam Chief Minister Sarat Chandra Sinha. The party survived during the period 

from 1984 to 1999 and was later merged with Nationalist Congress Party in 1999. 

27. In an interview she said: “Things would change once I get elected…There are no 

roads worth the name here, electricity supply is poor, industries are closing and 

sugar mills are in a bad shape. The development works started during my husband's 

tenure have all come to a standstill. Our children do not get admission in degree 

colleges. … I want to see Rampur as a prosperous place. I want to launch a special 

project for women. I want to set up a polytechnic for girls. Rampur is our home. I 

have an emotional attachment to this place”. (Rediff On the Net, 25 September 

1999. (Available at http://www.rediff.com/election/1999/sep/25begum.htm) 

28. Commenting on her chances for the 12 th Lok Sabha elections, the Rampurias 

seem to have said: “Arey woh yahan kub hoti hain? Woh to ya London mein hoti 

hain, yaa aram mein. What will the people get by electing her? She is her own worst 

enemy”. L.H.Naqvi in Tribune, Chandigarh, April 2, 2004. (Meaning that the Begum 

never stays in Rampur and that she is either taking rest or is in London.) 

29. Zahra Shojaie. Op cit 

30. Basheer, K.P.M. ‘Where Muslim League lets Muslim Women down’, in the Hindu 

dated 6 October 2001. 

33


31. Fattah, Tarek Fatah, “Canada’s First Muslim Woman Member of Parliament: Why 

did the Media Miss the Story?” July 30, 2004. Ms. Ratansi first contested a federal 

election in 1988 and lost. Ms. Ratansi persevered for more than 15 years to 

accomplish her dream of entering Canada’s House of Commons. Her campaign was 

ignored by the Islamic organisations of Canada, including the Islamic media. 

(Available at http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.200 

40723.wcomment0723/BNStory/Front/?) 

32. Nomita Halder. Op cit 

33. Rai, Shirin. ’Class, Caste and Gender: Women in Parliament in India’ in 

International IDEA, 2002, Women in Parliament, Stockholm 

http://www.idea.int/publications/wip/upload/CS_India.pdf) 

34. Nazia Tabassum who got elected as Joint Secretary of the Ranchi University 

Student's Union, sought membership of Anjuman Islamia (Ranchi, Jharkhand State) 

to take part in the elections scheduled for January 27th, 2008. Her application was 

rejected on the grounds that the Anjuman never had a female member in its 50 year 

history and the bye laws did not allow women to become members. On an appeal by 

Nazia, the State Commission for Women said that it did not find anything in the bylaws 

of the Anjuman that prevented women from becoming members and that it 

seems to be an unwritten rule that kept Muslim women away. The SCW referred the 

matter to Bihar Wakf Board, which stayed the election scheduled for Sunday, 

promising to send a team to supervise the future election. (See, Kashif-al-Huda, A 

struggle for equal rights in Ranchi: Nazia fights and wins a battle for Muslim women 

rights, Posted January 27, 2008 TwoCircles.net.) Although Nazia can not contest 

elections for Anjuman's office since its by-laws require all contesting members to be 

at least 30 years of age, her legal victory has opened the doors for Muslim women 

who now can become members and contest elections. At the other end of the 

country, the State Conference of Kerala CPI-M elected the first ever Muslim woman, 

P.K.Zainaba of Malappuram district to its State Committee in February 2002. Prior to 

Zainaba, another Muslim woman from Malappuram, K. O. Ayesha Bai, was in the 

State Committee of the undivided Communist party. However, following the 1964-65 

Communist split, this is the first time a Muslim woman was included in the State 

Committee of CPI-M. 

35. Karat, Brinda. Survival and Emancipation: Notes from Indian Women’s Struggles, 

Gurgaon, India (2005), Three Essays Collective, p.142. Similar view was expressed 

by Rajindar Sachar (Women’s Reservation Bill: A Social Necessity, National 

Obligation. Available at http://www.pucl.org/Topics/Gender/2003/reservationbill.htm) 

36. Muslim Women question male locus standi in the Indian Express, July 16, 1998 

37. Mahnaz Afkami and Erika Friedl op cit 

38. Lakdawala, M.H. Supreme Court Judgement on Maintenance, in Milli Gazette, 

(Available at http://www.milligazette.com/Archives/01112001/29.htm) 

34


39. Women used as dummy candidates? In The Tribune, May 27, 2004. Examples 

cited are: Ms Madhu Gupta (Samajwadi Party) against A.B. Vajpayee in Lucknow, 

Jaya Prada (Samajwadi Party) against Nur Bano (INC) in Raipur, Nafisa Ali (INC) 

against Mamata Banerjee in South Kolkata, Sarita Bhadoria (BJP) against a strong 

candidate of BSP in Itawa and Anjana Prakash (SP) against Rajesh Mishra (INC) in 

Varanasi. 

40. Women's Participation in Politics. (Available at 

http://www.crescentlife.com/thisthat/feminist%20muslims/women_and_politics.htm) 

41. ibid 

42. IslamOnline.net, Available at 

http://www.islamonline.net/servlet/Satellite?pagename=IslamOnline-English- 

Ask_Scholar/FatwaE/FatwaE&cid=1119503548218) 

43. Khan, Muqutedar.M.A. ”Muslim Women: Between a Rock and a Hard Place” in 

Muslim Women Studies, Bulletin board, Zahira Abdin Chair for the Study of Women 

and Gender, The Graduate School of Islamic and Social Sciences, Available at 

http://www.muslimwomenstudies.com (Muqtedar Khan is presently the Managing 

Editor of the American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, the General Secretary of 

the Association of Muslim Social Scientists, a Director of the Centre for the Study of 

Islam and Democracy. He is also a founder of the Contemporary Islamic Philosophy) 

conferences. 

44. Zarina Bhatty, op cit. 

45. Engineer, Asghar Ali. ‘Muslim Women in Indian Society’ in Indian Muslims, 

(Submitted by Kashif on 03/23/2007) (Available at 

http://www.indianmuslims.info/articles/asghar_ali_engineer/articles/muslim_women 

_in_indian_society.html) 

____________ 

35

political participation of muslim women in india - WebRing

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?