Psychosocial Notebook - IOM Publications - International ...
Psychosocial Notebook - IOM Publications - International ...
Psychosocial Notebook - IOM Publications - International ...
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Chapter 2 • Annie Lafontaine<br />
Suzana considered her position as “go-between” an important one, as it<br />
gave her the opportunity to defend the rights and needs of “her people”.<br />
Before the war, she had studied Law and was also involved in the student<br />
protests of 1997. Her work as a translator in the refugee camp had given<br />
Suzana her first chance to realize a hope she had held for years: to work<br />
for “her people”, and defend their interests.<br />
At the beginning, then, these young workers saw their jobs as means of<br />
giving support and help to their own people. Many of them even worked<br />
without pay, as the massive exodus of Albanians from Kosovo was still an<br />
open wound and the drama of displacement and return was still taking<br />
place. Gradually, however, the young people were themselves “displaced”<br />
from the community of those who were experiencing this arduous process.<br />
They were distanced from their families, and increasingly incorporated<br />
into the collectivity of workers, foreign and local. They were removed<br />
from the group of those who had suffered, and left between communities,<br />
forced to quickly enter the ranks of the NGOs and feeling obligated to<br />
become cultural and linguistic translators between their people and the<br />
foreigners. Some were asked to work for “minorities” (Serbs or Romany),<br />
for instance. They had to put aside their ethnically sensitive mindsets, and<br />
consequently their image of the collectively suffering, strong and unique<br />
Albanians, which had been a powerful cement in the construction of their<br />
identities. At the same time, in the world outside of the international organizations,<br />
the ethnic discourse was free to take concrete shape, as Serbs and<br />
Romany were almost non-existent on the scene of post-war Kosovo. The<br />
local staff thus experienced a cleft between their work and their “real<br />
lives”. In order to fulfil their professional tasks, they had to speak the language<br />
of multiculturalism suggested or imposed by the organizations, but<br />
in their families and within their social networks, the discourse was different.<br />
As they each pursued both sides of this division, they gradually<br />
entered what might be termed a double life.<br />
Some time later, while back in Kosovo, these young Local Staff members<br />
had established themselves in their new positions. They then began to consider<br />
their employment in a more practical light, as a source of income that<br />
gave them more freedom and power. Having learnt languages, they were<br />
privileged by their qualifications, when many other Kosovars (like<br />
Bexhet’s son in Prizren) could not speak English, French, Italian or<br />
German.<br />
When she was back in Kosovo, Suzana could work with foreigners, having<br />
learnt English in her position at the refugee camp. She then began selling<br />
her skills, quitting her local job in which she earned only 200 DEM per<br />
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