Psychosocial Notebook - IOM Publications - International ...
Psychosocial Notebook - IOM Publications - International ...
Psychosocial Notebook - IOM Publications - International ...
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<strong>Psychosocial</strong> <strong>Notebook</strong>, Volume 2, October 2001<br />
considered important. They began “helping” the crowds of refugees, of<br />
which they were no longer part. They were no longer in that position of<br />
utter helplessness. By working as local staff, they had crossed a sort of<br />
border, from a role where they needed help and support as refugees, to one<br />
that provided help and support to the needy.<br />
For Liljana, whose duty was to accompany refugees to their homes all over<br />
Kosovo, daily life meant remembering her own experience:<br />
You know, most of the time you just feel like it was you. The same reactions,<br />
same feelings, and same words, which were “I could never imagine<br />
that I will come back again” or these kinds of things. And, it also reminded<br />
me, and the others [who worked as staff] when we arrived [at the<br />
destinations].<br />
As a relief worker in an international organization, Liljana was constantly<br />
sharing the suffering of “her people”. At the same time, however, she was<br />
no longer in their position of collective powerlessness. She was working,<br />
and working for the reconstruction of Kosovo.<br />
For both Suzana and Liljana, this was a first experience of work. Before<br />
the war, both of them had studied. They could not imagine themselves<br />
working, and in any case, there were not many opportunities available to<br />
them. An ethnic division ran throughout Kosovo, and very few were the<br />
Albanians who were still working in Yugoslav establishments. Since the<br />
1990s, when many employees were dismissed from their jobs by the<br />
Yugoslav Government, Kosovar Albanians had had to develop a parallel<br />
economy, with their own socio-political institutions. Students were attending<br />
classes in private houses, professors and doctors were paid through the<br />
3 per cent tax imposed upon the self-exiled Kosovars (the number of<br />
which grew significantly after 1991), and socio-economic support was<br />
provided by those with better positions, or with income from family working<br />
abroad, to those who were most in need.<br />
This shift in status had therefore given Suzana, Liljana, and those like<br />
them, an intermediary status, between “their people”, who were in need of<br />
help, and the “others”; the social organizations and foreigners, who were<br />
providing this assistance. Suzana described this position in her narrative:<br />
Sometimes there were Albanians; interpreters from Albania and they were<br />
very short when foreigners would say something or offer something, they<br />
[were even more short] when they were speaking, hiding words. I didn’t<br />
like that, so I tried to be very correct and very sure of what I was translating,<br />
otherwise it would be very bad for my people… and it will [cause]<br />
a misunderstanding or loosing help that others were offering us.<br />
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