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Psychosocial Notebook - IOM Publications - International ...

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<strong>Psychosocial</strong> <strong>Notebook</strong>, Volume 2, October 2001<br />

“being lost” sometimes pushed them to extreme consequences, in cases<br />

when the separation was definitive. This emerged in a conversation with<br />

Shemsije, whose husband, brother-in-law and two sons had been killed<br />

by the Serbian police. At the time of the interview, she lived with her<br />

12-year-old daughter. In her words: “We are also dead. We lost the men<br />

and we are also dead. We lost everything.”<br />

Men also perceived a dissolution of their family and upsets in its traditionally<br />

patriarchal structure as a shock, as they lost their role as protectors<br />

of their wife and children. Further, as tradition dictates that grown sons are<br />

duty-bound to take care of their parents, their inability to perform this task<br />

was perceived as deeply painful. Such was the experience of Muhamet,<br />

who had the chance to escape the country with his wife and children, but<br />

could not take his parents with him, since they were too old to move. “I<br />

had never left them before”, he said. “I was very worried, I was very sorry,<br />

but I had to do it.”<br />

Several years before the war, Mahumet’s younger brothers emigrated to<br />

Germany, but he himself never even considered following them, feeling<br />

that at least one son should guarantee the protection of their parents. The<br />

suffering produced by the separation of his family thus seems to spring<br />

both from the loss of his protective function within the household, and<br />

from his being forced to give up the traditional roles played there. When<br />

fulfilled, these roles are fundamental components in the construction of the<br />

individual and collective identities, since Kosovo-Albanians usually<br />

describe themselves as people who greatly value the family and respect the<br />

roles played by every single member within it. The inability to perform<br />

these functions therefore strikes at the base of the individual and collective<br />

self.<br />

Because of the importance of kinship in the community, accounts of separation<br />

unrelated to the family were more unusual, and emerged only in different<br />

types of narrative or in contexts that, in their specificity, broke with<br />

the pattern of recurrent discourse. Thus, in a memoir written while he was<br />

refugee, Agim told of the painful separation from the woman he loved. As<br />

soon as the war broke out, Agim sent his family abroad, but he was deeply<br />

in love with a woman living in Pristina and did not want to leave the country.<br />

It was only when she pressed him not to miss this chance of escape to<br />

a safer place that he agreed to leave. In the text he wrote abroad, Agim still<br />

spoke to his beloved, remembering the painful experience of his departure:<br />

“I felt the need to scream like a wild animal when you said goodbye”, he<br />

wrote. Another such “unusual” account was that of Suzana, a 20-year-old<br />

Kosovar-Albanian, who was born and grew up in Belgrade, where her parents<br />

used to work. Her father’s decision to move to Pristina after the end<br />

of the war caused Suzana great sorrow. “It was awful”, she said:<br />

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