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Psychosocial Notebook - IOM Publications - International ...

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Epilogue • Luisa Passerini<br />

memories of Kosovars. Therefore they participated in transformations of<br />

memory which oral historians and anthropologists can witness only in particular<br />

circumstances.<br />

Let us be clear that this is not an easy task, and its imperviousness accounts<br />

for some of the uncertainties and contradictions which can be found in<br />

these first results. The main problem was, as we shall see, to conceptualize<br />

who the subjects are that give rise to the inter-subjective experience of<br />

the oral history interview in this situation. The problem seems to be insufficiently<br />

answered by simply referring to the original motivations of<br />

oral historians, who were anxious to give words to those who had no voice<br />

in history. Most oral history as recorded in Europe between the 1950s and<br />

the 1980s assumed homogeneity of subjective intents between the interviewees<br />

and the interviewers, or at least assumed that there were no major<br />

obstacles to an exchange between them, thus allowing them to construct a<br />

shareable narrative. Innumerable people were interviewed – and their<br />

interviews transcribed, elaborated, published – on the basis of an assumed<br />

homogeneous subjectivity and homo-positionality of the subjects<br />

involved. The work done with Kosovars indicates that we are now in a<br />

different phase of understanding this form of inter-subjectivity. As Enrica<br />

Capussotti writes in concluding her paper,<br />

One could say that throughout the 1970s, oral history was written from<br />

within a movement which would have liked “to give words” to the subaltern<br />

(the working class, for instance) and women. In our times, however,<br />

oral history is capable of prefiguring the relationships between<br />

different subjectivities and cultures and of revealing the contradictions<br />

between the individual and the community. Oral history can therefore be<br />

used to criticize the mechanism of inclusion and exclusion, and the<br />

process of identity construction based on territories and nationalistic<br />

values.<br />

The underlying hypothesis – which situates itself on ethical-scientific<br />

grounds – can appear hopeful and optimistic; I believe that it is not only<br />

legitimate, but well grounded, precisely because it presupposes a heterogeneity<br />

of subjectivities, which it is essential to recognize today. As<br />

expressed by another of the contributors to this volume, Giuseppe De<br />

Sario:<br />

220<br />

It is not only the individuals involved in the conflict who have difficulty<br />

understanding what happened. As researchers, our “position” in the field<br />

and our perception of the conflict, as constructed through our research,<br />

are also significant and carry important consequences. Observers and<br />

scholars should admit the difficulty of using categories adequate to contemporary<br />

conflicts. Unease and a desire to rationalize or escape these<br />

events run throughout the observations of historians and students of

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