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Psychosocial Notebook - IOM Publications - International ...

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<strong>Psychosocial</strong> <strong>Notebook</strong>, Volume 2, October 2001<br />

set up several local organizations and one national association which<br />

assists with reception of the thousands of Kosovar refugees who arrived in<br />

the summer of 1999.<br />

According to Tahir, the tragedy that the Romany survived in Kosovo<br />

should be attributed to the status assigned to his people since the regime of<br />

Marshall Tito. Tahir then listed the process by which this was enforced, a<br />

method common to many societies and nationalist politics. In his words:<br />

Roma in Tito’s Yugoslavia were not recognized as a population but as an<br />

ethnic group… and as an ethnic group you are too low [in the social hierarchy]<br />

so talking about nationalities, the Roma were not included… they<br />

said that the majority were Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Albanians,<br />

Macedonians… for instance they used to say: “in Kosovar Albanians,<br />

Serbs, Montenegrins, Muslims, Gorani and other ethnic groups live…”<br />

always other ethnic groups without name, without saying Roma.<br />

Tahir’s points lead us to a discussion of Roma culture and how it has interacted<br />

with a non-Roma system of values, in which the absence of a territory<br />

where their identities might take root, has meant discrimination and<br />

misunderstanding. The fact that the Romany have never had “their own”<br />

country, has made them targets of violence in the past and in the present.<br />

The fact that the Romany have not found the means to struggle collectively<br />

for the right to build their own nation has made them even weaker in the<br />

current power structure of Kosovo.<br />

The histories that have been published about the Romany describe them as<br />

able to adapt to the cultures they encounter during their travels.<br />

Sometimes, they are labelled bearers of a weak identity, and in other studies,<br />

the importance of their group culture is stressed. To the Romany, however,<br />

a population is split between themselves and the non-Romany or<br />

Gazhe. There is a hierarchy in this division, and usually the Gazhe are perceived<br />

as inferior, gullible and tainted. Nevertheless, the Romany/non-<br />

Romany boundary is a cornerstone of Roma ethnicity, and the survival of<br />

the Romany depends upon crossing this boundary to negotiate a living<br />

space for themselves in the larger and dominant Gazhe milieu. To explore<br />

this, Carol Silverman studied American Gypsy culture and particularly the<br />

way in which Gypsies cultivate their distinct “ethnic” identity, while still<br />

appearing to assimilate into the “external” culture:<br />

Although many innovations have occurred in Roma culture, they do not<br />

point to loss of ethnic identity; rather, change is a strategy of adaptation<br />

to new environments – both a strategy of manipulation of new situations<br />

and a creative response to them (Silverman, 1988: 261-262).<br />

211

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