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Psychosocial Notebook - IOM Publications - International ...

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Chapter 5 • Giuseppe De Sario, Laura Corradi, Patricia Ruiz, Enrica Capussotti<br />

survival of defeat. The relics of Prince Lazar, killed in the battle, had<br />

been carried a month previously, in a procession accompanied by<br />

unprecedented media pomp, through virtually all Serb-populated regions<br />

where war would later break out (Milosevic, 1997: 110).<br />

According to Milan Milosevic’s reconstruction, it was in Gazimestan that<br />

Slobodan Milosevic first explicitly mentioned the possibility of war, in his<br />

mind, then, in Kosovo itself (even though, as is well known, the wars in<br />

Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina erupted before the Kosovo conflict). In<br />

his speech, Slobodan Milosevic addressed the Serbs as victims living in<br />

the heart of their own ancestral land, harassed by the Albanians who were<br />

taking advantage of their autonomy and would try, sooner or later, to unite<br />

Kosovo with Albania (Milosevic, 1997).<br />

This episode clearly demonstrates how the past was used to reinforce a<br />

collective national identity which, in the last decades, had to face the<br />

growing power of an antagonistic population identified as the Albanians.<br />

One of the results of this process was to depict the Serbs living in Kosovo<br />

as victims of Albanian nationalism. This strategy of “victimization” is<br />

common to many nationalistic discourses born in the former Yugoslavia.<br />

The Croatians, for instance, depicted themselves as victims of the Serbs<br />

and of the official memory of the socialist regimes. Renata Jambresic<br />

Kirin, in her study of the oral testimonies of Croatian refugees, emphasized<br />

the dynamics of this victimization process, which is powerful<br />

enough to legitimate the fabrication of new national identity after a conflict.<br />

Kirin has examined the case of Croatia, showing how the dominant<br />

discourse was woven around the discourse of sacrifice and the discourse<br />

of renewal, which played an important role in political negotiations and<br />

decisions. The life stories of displaced persons, however, told of women<br />

and men:<br />

Whose fate – in terms of the dominant ideology – symbolized the<br />

grandeur of Croatian victims in a patriotic war [including families of the<br />

killed and wounded soldiers] who would face, in their harsh everyday<br />

reality, all the misfortunes of a jeopardized social group living in the<br />

strange surroundings of big cities, isolated hotels on the coast, or living<br />

on the unsafe frontier, not very far from their inaccessible homes which<br />

are still in the occupied territories. After the first enchantment, disappointment<br />

is largely shared among displaced persons who have recently<br />

returned to their devastated homes and settled in temporary settlements<br />

with no foundations for fast reconstruction” (Jambresic Kirin, 1996: 66).<br />

The common use of the idea of “victim” is a complex topic that warrants<br />

further investigation. In these pages I would like to stress the tension, as<br />

described in Jambresic Kirin’s work, between the individuals’ narrations<br />

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