Psychosocial Notebook - IOM Publications - International ...
Psychosocial Notebook - IOM Publications - International ...
Psychosocial Notebook - IOM Publications - International ...
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Chapter 4 • Nicola Mai<br />
tained by narcissist fantasies of purity and unity. This has many important<br />
implications for the way suffering is experienced and dealt with at a subjective<br />
and collective level.<br />
It is in the light of this encounter between homogeneous and heterogeneous<br />
cognitive frameworks and different libidinal frameworks and narratives,<br />
that events are framed and analysed. Throughout the interviews,<br />
there were very few people whose subjectivity was either completely<br />
embedded or dis-embedded in the nationalist and narcissistic collective<br />
order. Rather, most of the refugees tended to construct a meaningful analysis<br />
of reality by using narratives which were cognitively and libidinally<br />
contradictory. The more contradictory the encounter between the cognitive<br />
and libidinal underpinnings of the cultural resources available to the subjects,<br />
the more the interviewee lacked a coherent and meaningful explanation<br />
of events. Therefore, the more the subject suffered, trying to sustain<br />
and understand his/her permanence and continuity in a meaningful world,<br />
whose apparent unity had been shaken and broken by war and hatred.<br />
From the 1980s and onwards, most of the refugees described a situation of<br />
growing antagonism between Serbs and Albanians, which they generally<br />
experienced as an increase of tension in the workplace, and as episodes of<br />
discrimination against Serbs. Most of the Serbian refugees reported living<br />
with a feeling of general insecurity. Most of them had experienced verbal<br />
hostility and harassment; most had escorted their children to school when<br />
they were forced to cross areas inhabited by Albanians. In the period<br />
following the first Albanian demonstrations until the escalation of hostility<br />
into open conflict between opposing factions in 1998, neighbourly and<br />
work relationships were felt to be “getting cold” and growing formal,<br />
while stories of harassment, rape and kidnapping of Serbs by terrorists<br />
were becoming increasingly frequent. In descriptions of the Serbian-<br />
Albanian coexistence in Kosovo after 1989, it was easy to identify an<br />
ongoing polarization between a public, official world of standard and<br />
correct inter-ethnic relationships, and a private mono-ethnic world where<br />
separation, suspicion, antagonism and hostility grew, fortified by nationalist<br />
discourses and violence promoted by different social actors in the name<br />
of their own political and economic rationales.<br />
In discussing the period between 1989 and 1998, most of the Serbians<br />
mentioned three main events, which were usually blamed on the conscious<br />
efforts of Albanians. According to the accounts of Serb IDPs, the<br />
Albanians had orchestrated? these acts in order to attract the attention of<br />
the international media, with the ultimate aim of preparing the ground for<br />
the secession of Kosovo from Yugoslavia, and the creation of a Greater<br />
Albania. The first of these events came after Kosovo’s autonomous status<br />
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