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Psychosocial Notebook - IOM Publications - International ...

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Chapter 4 • Nicola Mai<br />

tained by narcissist fantasies of purity and unity. This has many important<br />

implications for the way suffering is experienced and dealt with at a subjective<br />

and collective level.<br />

It is in the light of this encounter between homogeneous and heterogeneous<br />

cognitive frameworks and different libidinal frameworks and narratives,<br />

that events are framed and analysed. Throughout the interviews,<br />

there were very few people whose subjectivity was either completely<br />

embedded or dis-embedded in the nationalist and narcissistic collective<br />

order. Rather, most of the refugees tended to construct a meaningful analysis<br />

of reality by using narratives which were cognitively and libidinally<br />

contradictory. The more contradictory the encounter between the cognitive<br />

and libidinal underpinnings of the cultural resources available to the subjects,<br />

the more the interviewee lacked a coherent and meaningful explanation<br />

of events. Therefore, the more the subject suffered, trying to sustain<br />

and understand his/her permanence and continuity in a meaningful world,<br />

whose apparent unity had been shaken and broken by war and hatred.<br />

From the 1980s and onwards, most of the refugees described a situation of<br />

growing antagonism between Serbs and Albanians, which they generally<br />

experienced as an increase of tension in the workplace, and as episodes of<br />

discrimination against Serbs. Most of the Serbian refugees reported living<br />

with a feeling of general insecurity. Most of them had experienced verbal<br />

hostility and harassment; most had escorted their children to school when<br />

they were forced to cross areas inhabited by Albanians. In the period<br />

following the first Albanian demonstrations until the escalation of hostility<br />

into open conflict between opposing factions in 1998, neighbourly and<br />

work relationships were felt to be “getting cold” and growing formal,<br />

while stories of harassment, rape and kidnapping of Serbs by terrorists<br />

were becoming increasingly frequent. In descriptions of the Serbian-<br />

Albanian coexistence in Kosovo after 1989, it was easy to identify an<br />

ongoing polarization between a public, official world of standard and<br />

correct inter-ethnic relationships, and a private mono-ethnic world where<br />

separation, suspicion, antagonism and hostility grew, fortified by nationalist<br />

discourses and violence promoted by different social actors in the name<br />

of their own political and economic rationales.<br />

In discussing the period between 1989 and 1998, most of the Serbians<br />

mentioned three main events, which were usually blamed on the conscious<br />

efforts of Albanians. According to the accounts of Serb IDPs, the<br />

Albanians had orchestrated? these acts in order to attract the attention of<br />

the international media, with the ultimate aim of preparing the ground for<br />

the secession of Kosovo from Yugoslavia, and the creation of a Greater<br />

Albania. The first of these events came after Kosovo’s autonomous status<br />

126

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